Wednesday, May 13, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 13 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (6.45am): 16C
Forecast high: 29C; UV: 10
Three-day forecast: 14 May - Sun, 30C; 15 May - Cloud, sun, wind, 21C; 16 May - Cloud, sun, 21C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): South 2 to 4, locally Northeast during the afternoon.
Splendid morning as the mini-heatwave reaches its climax with an advice for high temperatures tomorrow, when the 30C forecast level will probably be exceeded by two to three degrees. Then a brief change as the temperatures fall on Friday.
Evening update (20.00): A high of 33C. Hot then, all thanks to the wind coming from the Sahara.
No Frills Excursions
The Good Cops Of The Resorts
German tourists in Playa de Palma have started to take things into their hands. They have been making posters which can be stuck into the sand which declare "no sunglasses", "no massage". There are also t-shirts bearing the same messages. The targets of these messages should be obvious. Other German tourists have been behaving in a somewhat less responsible fashion. On more than one occasion, great hordes of them have taken to the main road, chanting and blocking traffic.
There is a common thread to these two separate examples of how tourists behave. The local police. Here is a resort which is subject to a city ordinance that was designed to bring an end to (or at least reduce) anti-social behaviour and illegal trades. Yet, there are tourists who are so fed up with the pestering they receive from the lookies and the massage girls that they have sought to deter them, while there are others who appear to be able to brazenly take to the streets (a main road no less) and conduct themselves in a wholly inappropriate manner. Where are the police?
Well, one factor is that the reinforcement of local police numbers isn't due to take effect until 1 June. Why? The tourism season, in a sort of official sense, starts on 1 May; in truth, it does of course start earlier. Is a 1 June commencement for the reinforcement a reflection of the laments that the season has become ever shorter? It shouldn't be. The security forces should not be bound by notions of seasonality.
Local police numbers can of course only ever be finite. Resources dictate this. Police numbers are dwarfed by the sheer volume of visitors - both welcome and unwelcome. There is mitigation, therefore. They, the finite numbers which exist, can't be everywhere. Nevertheless, these examples from Playa de Palma highlight a problem - not just one of police numbers but of image.
Last summer, the public prosecutor started the second phase of an investigation into the local police force that had been opened the previous September. Various police officers were being looked into. Allegations included trafficking of influence and bribery. The Guardia Civil had been called in and had raided a police station in 2013.
Earlier this year, a well-known businessman (unnamed) with interests in nightlife in Playa de Palma was arrested. This investigation is now in court. Witnesses have been giving evidence of payments to one officer for "turning a blind eye", who was apparently prone to visiting one particular club owner in seeking ever more payment. These witnesses have also spoken of orgies involving prostitutes which were attended by public officials, including one mayor from the "part forana" of Mallorca, i.e. away from Palma. Police officers did not, according to witnesses, attend these orgies, but there were alleged "arrangements" for alcohol and sex, though never payments.
This investigation and the complaints about an absence of police in the resort are not linked, except in one way: image. They might also be said to be linked through an issue of morale. The good cops are operating against a background of an ongoing investigation into allegedly bad cops. While lookies and massage girls patrol the beaches and German tourists maraud across the main road and can all do so with apparent impunity, a link - however false - might be made. The good cops are damned, and unreasonably so, by association.
There is of course a similarity between events in Playa de Palma and those in Magalluf. Police corruption allegations arose there last summer, and with the new season upon us, the good cops - and the Guardia - appear to still have their hands tied by regulations that do not allow them to tackle the resort's principal problem of the mugging prostitutes, while, for reasons that baffle many, they cannot yet enforce local ordinance designed to tackle anti-social behaviour.
Whether this ordinance, once it is in place, achieves what it is designed to is questioned by many, just as it is in Playa de Palma. And if it fails, then the image of the police (and of politicians) will be dented further. Some bad cops may have brought this negative image upon themselves and, by association, their forces, but the good cops have to be given the means.
There is this vast gap between developments of resort embellishment and improvement and the lights of the more seedy infrastructure which attracts the moths of poor behaviour and criminality. Tourism will always attract these, but they don't have to be a given or to be to the extent that they are, and until such a time as the greater excesses are truly stamped on and stamped out, the investments of embellishment will be undermined, their returns limited by this at present unreconcilable discrepancy. Give the cops what they need - the good ones, that is - but, by God, make sure they are the good ones.
There is a common thread to these two separate examples of how tourists behave. The local police. Here is a resort which is subject to a city ordinance that was designed to bring an end to (or at least reduce) anti-social behaviour and illegal trades. Yet, there are tourists who are so fed up with the pestering they receive from the lookies and the massage girls that they have sought to deter them, while there are others who appear to be able to brazenly take to the streets (a main road no less) and conduct themselves in a wholly inappropriate manner. Where are the police?
Well, one factor is that the reinforcement of local police numbers isn't due to take effect until 1 June. Why? The tourism season, in a sort of official sense, starts on 1 May; in truth, it does of course start earlier. Is a 1 June commencement for the reinforcement a reflection of the laments that the season has become ever shorter? It shouldn't be. The security forces should not be bound by notions of seasonality.
Local police numbers can of course only ever be finite. Resources dictate this. Police numbers are dwarfed by the sheer volume of visitors - both welcome and unwelcome. There is mitigation, therefore. They, the finite numbers which exist, can't be everywhere. Nevertheless, these examples from Playa de Palma highlight a problem - not just one of police numbers but of image.
Last summer, the public prosecutor started the second phase of an investigation into the local police force that had been opened the previous September. Various police officers were being looked into. Allegations included trafficking of influence and bribery. The Guardia Civil had been called in and had raided a police station in 2013.
Earlier this year, a well-known businessman (unnamed) with interests in nightlife in Playa de Palma was arrested. This investigation is now in court. Witnesses have been giving evidence of payments to one officer for "turning a blind eye", who was apparently prone to visiting one particular club owner in seeking ever more payment. These witnesses have also spoken of orgies involving prostitutes which were attended by public officials, including one mayor from the "part forana" of Mallorca, i.e. away from Palma. Police officers did not, according to witnesses, attend these orgies, but there were alleged "arrangements" for alcohol and sex, though never payments.
This investigation and the complaints about an absence of police in the resort are not linked, except in one way: image. They might also be said to be linked through an issue of morale. The good cops are operating against a background of an ongoing investigation into allegedly bad cops. While lookies and massage girls patrol the beaches and German tourists maraud across the main road and can all do so with apparent impunity, a link - however false - might be made. The good cops are damned, and unreasonably so, by association.
There is of course a similarity between events in Playa de Palma and those in Magalluf. Police corruption allegations arose there last summer, and with the new season upon us, the good cops - and the Guardia - appear to still have their hands tied by regulations that do not allow them to tackle the resort's principal problem of the mugging prostitutes, while, for reasons that baffle many, they cannot yet enforce local ordinance designed to tackle anti-social behaviour.
Whether this ordinance, once it is in place, achieves what it is designed to is questioned by many, just as it is in Playa de Palma. And if it fails, then the image of the police (and of politicians) will be dented further. Some bad cops may have brought this negative image upon themselves and, by association, their forces, but the good cops have to be given the means.
There is this vast gap between developments of resort embellishment and improvement and the lights of the more seedy infrastructure which attracts the moths of poor behaviour and criminality. Tourism will always attract these, but they don't have to be a given or to be to the extent that they are, and until such a time as the greater excesses are truly stamped on and stamped out, the investments of embellishment will be undermined, their returns limited by this at present unreconcilable discrepancy. Give the cops what they need - the good ones, that is - but, by God, make sure they are the good ones.
Tuesday, May 12, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 12 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (7.15am): 15.5C
Forecast high: 28C; UV: 9
Three-day forecast: 13 May - Sun, 29C; 14 May - Sun, 34C; 15 May - Sun, cloud, 21C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): Southeast 2 to 3 backing East 2 to 4 around midday.
Clear skies this morning remaining clear through the day. Quite hot with light southerlies pushing the mercury up. A swing in breezes later in the week will cool things down.
Evening update (20.15): High of 30.8C. Lots of sun. Nice breeze. What more could you want?
No Frills Excursions
The Interest In Death
San Isidro, Sant Isidre, Saint Isidore. There are two Isidores. One was Isidore of Seville, the Archbishop of that city from the seventh century, considered to be "the last scholar of the ancient world". The other was Isidore the Farmer, aka Isidore the Labourer and so in Spanish, San Isidro Labrador. He was born in Madrid, probably in 1070. There is some uncertainty as to when he died. Almost certainly it was in 1130, though the only known official documentation of his death suggests that it was in 1172, which represents a fair difference. Isidore the Farmer was someone of great piety who performed miracles and who didn't, unlike many a saint, meet a gruesome end; nor did Isidore of Seville either. When his end came, and despite the 42 year variance in the year of his death, it was on 15 May. Feast days often celebrate death, and Isidore the Farmer is no different.
Among other patronages, Isidore is the patron saint of farmers (naturally enough) and also of Madrid, again naturally enough. He has lent his name to the city's Feria de San Isidro, which started last Friday. The fair will go on for a whole month. It is one that has been called the greatest in the world, but it depends what is being considered when granting the fair this accolade, for the fair is, more than anything, a celebration of bullfighting: on every day from 8 May to 7 June, there is a bullfight in Madrid.
The significance of the fair is enormous. It symbolises everything about what might be dubbed an "old" Spain and a "new" Spain and about political clashes and rivalries between the Castile of Madrid and the Catalonia of Barcelona, which have their roots in centuries past. When Catalonia banned the bullfight, the ban was denounced by bullfight supporters as a political act, one against "Spain". To an extent, the ban was precisely that, though the impulse behind it had been popular legislative petition.
While the fair symbolises changes in attitudes of Spaniards - bullfighting as a whole is now less popular than it once was - it can also be said to be symbolic of attitudes of foreign observers. There has never, as far as I am aware, been a survey of tourist and foreign resident opinion, but were there to be, the finding would almost certainly indicate opposition to the bullfight. Yet, there was a time when such foreign attitudes were different, and Ernest Hemingway voiced them better than anyone.
Hemingway's support of bullfighting - one of only three sports in his estimation (along with motor racing and mountaineering) - has to be viewed in the context of the time when he was writing and also of his contrariness: here, after all, was someone who lent his support to anti-fascism and to Catalonia as well. But then bullfighting was not used as a symbol of political difference in those days, albeit that Hemingway's point of reference for bullfighting was what he observed in Castile.
In a "New York Times" article of September 1932, which was a review of Hemingway's "Death In The Afternoon", a book devoted to bullfighting, the author was quoted thus: "The only place where you could see life and death, i.e. violent death now that the wars were over, was in the bullring and I wanted very much to go to Spain where I could study it. I was trying to learn to write, commencing with the simplest things, and of the simplest things of all and the most fundamental is violent death".
Of course, Hemingway was to be proven wrong when it came to wars, but what he observed was what he felt was a human and societal condition in Spain. "If a country is to love bullfights," the article continued "the people must have an interest in death" and they did so, he argued, in Castile. Strip away the trappings of the spectacular, the notions of honour and of sport, and what was left was death - that of the bull, of the horse, of the matador.
Hemingway was seduced by a certain romanticism and by his desire to discover an alien culture. But this was the 1930s. The romanticism has long ceased to be, Spain is no longer alien. Yet, does something linger? Is Hemingway's thesis regarding an "interest in death" still current? Is it this from which bullfighting derives its support?
Hemingway's Spain was the "old" Spain, one whose societal attitudes certain politicians, notably Felipe González and José Luis Zapatero, have understood and have sought to alter. The attitudes of "new" Spain are reflected in a variety of ways that, for example, reject the conservatism of the church or the death in the afternoon. Yet, the "old" Spain is clung to. It is a comfort of tradition, the greatest fair in the world, the interest in death.
Among other patronages, Isidore is the patron saint of farmers (naturally enough) and also of Madrid, again naturally enough. He has lent his name to the city's Feria de San Isidro, which started last Friday. The fair will go on for a whole month. It is one that has been called the greatest in the world, but it depends what is being considered when granting the fair this accolade, for the fair is, more than anything, a celebration of bullfighting: on every day from 8 May to 7 June, there is a bullfight in Madrid.
The significance of the fair is enormous. It symbolises everything about what might be dubbed an "old" Spain and a "new" Spain and about political clashes and rivalries between the Castile of Madrid and the Catalonia of Barcelona, which have their roots in centuries past. When Catalonia banned the bullfight, the ban was denounced by bullfight supporters as a political act, one against "Spain". To an extent, the ban was precisely that, though the impulse behind it had been popular legislative petition.
While the fair symbolises changes in attitudes of Spaniards - bullfighting as a whole is now less popular than it once was - it can also be said to be symbolic of attitudes of foreign observers. There has never, as far as I am aware, been a survey of tourist and foreign resident opinion, but were there to be, the finding would almost certainly indicate opposition to the bullfight. Yet, there was a time when such foreign attitudes were different, and Ernest Hemingway voiced them better than anyone.
Hemingway's support of bullfighting - one of only three sports in his estimation (along with motor racing and mountaineering) - has to be viewed in the context of the time when he was writing and also of his contrariness: here, after all, was someone who lent his support to anti-fascism and to Catalonia as well. But then bullfighting was not used as a symbol of political difference in those days, albeit that Hemingway's point of reference for bullfighting was what he observed in Castile.
In a "New York Times" article of September 1932, which was a review of Hemingway's "Death In The Afternoon", a book devoted to bullfighting, the author was quoted thus: "The only place where you could see life and death, i.e. violent death now that the wars were over, was in the bullring and I wanted very much to go to Spain where I could study it. I was trying to learn to write, commencing with the simplest things, and of the simplest things of all and the most fundamental is violent death".
Of course, Hemingway was to be proven wrong when it came to wars, but what he observed was what he felt was a human and societal condition in Spain. "If a country is to love bullfights," the article continued "the people must have an interest in death" and they did so, he argued, in Castile. Strip away the trappings of the spectacular, the notions of honour and of sport, and what was left was death - that of the bull, of the horse, of the matador.
Hemingway was seduced by a certain romanticism and by his desire to discover an alien culture. But this was the 1930s. The romanticism has long ceased to be, Spain is no longer alien. Yet, does something linger? Is Hemingway's thesis regarding an "interest in death" still current? Is it this from which bullfighting derives its support?
Hemingway's Spain was the "old" Spain, one whose societal attitudes certain politicians, notably Felipe González and José Luis Zapatero, have understood and have sought to alter. The attitudes of "new" Spain are reflected in a variety of ways that, for example, reject the conservatism of the church or the death in the afternoon. Yet, the "old" Spain is clung to. It is a comfort of tradition, the greatest fair in the world, the interest in death.
Labels:
Bullfighting,
Ernest Hemingway,
Fairs,
Madrid,
San Isidro,
Spain
Monday, May 11, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 11 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (7.45am): 16.5C
Forecast high: 27C; UV: 8
Three-day forecast: 12 May - Sun, 28C; 13 May - Sun, 28C; 14 May - Sun, 34C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): Northeast 2 to 4.
Splendid morning again. Note the forecast temperature for Thursday: 34C. That is very unusual for this time in May. Though storms are not presently forecast, they may well occur as the temperature is due to go down markedly on Friday. We'll see.
Evening update (21.45): A high of 28.6C. Good.
No Frills Excursions
Lessons From Andalusia
On 22 March, Andalusia held its regional election. It had been caller because of a breakdown in the coalition government led by Susana Díaz of PSOE. The election returned PSOE as the most voted for party, with the same number of seats that it had obtained at the previous election, and while most post-electon analysis concentrated on the relative polling of different parties and what this might mean for elections elsewhere, such as here in the Balearics in under two weeks time, there was another aspect which may well have greater relevance to the Balearics. Although PSOE "won" the election, it failed to gain a majority, just as it had at the previous election. But unlike at that election, in March there was no obvious coalition candidate to come to PSOE's aid, and there still isn't. Consequently, Díaz said that she would govern with a minority. However, it isn't quite as simple as this (if forming a minority government can be described as simple). There is the matter of what other deputies in parliament think, and on Friday, they offered their thoughts. En bloc they voted against her investiture as president: in effect, Andalusia is currently without a government.
The parliament will hold another vote on Thursday. There may well be further votes but if, by the middle of July, Diáz has still not received support (or abstentions) that will enable her investiture, a new election will have to be called: those are the rules. Both Podemos and Ciudadanos have indicated a willingness to consider a pact - and the number of seats each has would be sufficient to create a majority - but there are strings attached. A fundamental principle of these two parties is their anti-corruption stance, and both have made it clear that a condition would be the removal of a former president, Manuel Chaves, from the national Congress of Deputies: he, as with Díaz's predecessor, is implicated in the enormous ERE (redundancy) scandal in Andalusia.
As things stand, Chaves will be on his way out after the Spanish general election in any event. Getting him to stand down now would, though, be symbolic: an act of commitment by PSOE to make a stand against corruption, alleged or otherwise. As this hasn't happened, neither Podemos nor Ciudadanos (C's) can accept entering into a coalition with Díaz.
The Chaves affair is just one way in which what is happening in Andalusia is similar to the Balearics. Here, the likelihood is that President Bauzá's Partido Popular will fall quite some way short of a majority on 24 May. With the support of the C's, it might just be possible that it could get a coalition majority, but the C's leader in the Balearics, Xavier Pericay, has ruled out a pact with any party unless the C's wins the most votes at the election (which it won't). Nevertheless, Pericay has said that the C's might be willing to give parliamentary support without entering a formal coalition, but there is one very big string attached. Pericay is making a similar demand to the one in Andalusia regarding Chaves. He wants Bauzá to get rid of José María Rodríguez as president of the PP in Palma because of his association with corruption.
Whether this happens or not, the outcome of the Balearic election is likely to give the same sort of situation as there is in Andalusia, except that the PP is the ruling party and not PSOE. Bauzá would gain the most votes and seats, but he would have no coalition partner, while PSOE may not be able to form a coalition majority as an alternative. It has been mooted that Bauzá might look to form a minority government, but what would happen if he tried to? Díaz is finding it difficult, and so would Bauzá. Opposition parties in the Balearics will be looking at what is happening in Andalusia with keen interest and they might well, in the event that Bauzá tries to govern in minority, simply block his investiture. So, a further election this year might have to be held, but there is another factor which has entered the equation: it is now being openly talked about the PP getting rid of Bauzá.
The word is that senior figures in the PP would, if the party fails to gain at least 25 seats (and the polls suggest that it would not), call an extraordinary congress and elect a new leader. This still might not allow a presidential investiture to go ahead if a minority government was contemplated, but it would be more likely. Alternatives, including the current mayor of Palma, Mateo Isern, are being spoken about, and he would surely have no problem with ousting Rodríguez.
Polls aren't of course always right, but if they are, then there will be great uncertainty after 24 May, and Andalusia might just give a clue as to how uncertain things will be.
The parliament will hold another vote on Thursday. There may well be further votes but if, by the middle of July, Diáz has still not received support (or abstentions) that will enable her investiture, a new election will have to be called: those are the rules. Both Podemos and Ciudadanos have indicated a willingness to consider a pact - and the number of seats each has would be sufficient to create a majority - but there are strings attached. A fundamental principle of these two parties is their anti-corruption stance, and both have made it clear that a condition would be the removal of a former president, Manuel Chaves, from the national Congress of Deputies: he, as with Díaz's predecessor, is implicated in the enormous ERE (redundancy) scandal in Andalusia.
As things stand, Chaves will be on his way out after the Spanish general election in any event. Getting him to stand down now would, though, be symbolic: an act of commitment by PSOE to make a stand against corruption, alleged or otherwise. As this hasn't happened, neither Podemos nor Ciudadanos (C's) can accept entering into a coalition with Díaz.
The Chaves affair is just one way in which what is happening in Andalusia is similar to the Balearics. Here, the likelihood is that President Bauzá's Partido Popular will fall quite some way short of a majority on 24 May. With the support of the C's, it might just be possible that it could get a coalition majority, but the C's leader in the Balearics, Xavier Pericay, has ruled out a pact with any party unless the C's wins the most votes at the election (which it won't). Nevertheless, Pericay has said that the C's might be willing to give parliamentary support without entering a formal coalition, but there is one very big string attached. Pericay is making a similar demand to the one in Andalusia regarding Chaves. He wants Bauzá to get rid of José María Rodríguez as president of the PP in Palma because of his association with corruption.
Whether this happens or not, the outcome of the Balearic election is likely to give the same sort of situation as there is in Andalusia, except that the PP is the ruling party and not PSOE. Bauzá would gain the most votes and seats, but he would have no coalition partner, while PSOE may not be able to form a coalition majority as an alternative. It has been mooted that Bauzá might look to form a minority government, but what would happen if he tried to? Díaz is finding it difficult, and so would Bauzá. Opposition parties in the Balearics will be looking at what is happening in Andalusia with keen interest and they might well, in the event that Bauzá tries to govern in minority, simply block his investiture. So, a further election this year might have to be held, but there is another factor which has entered the equation: it is now being openly talked about the PP getting rid of Bauzá.
The word is that senior figures in the PP would, if the party fails to gain at least 25 seats (and the polls suggest that it would not), call an extraordinary congress and elect a new leader. This still might not allow a presidential investiture to go ahead if a minority government was contemplated, but it would be more likely. Alternatives, including the current mayor of Palma, Mateo Isern, are being spoken about, and he would surely have no problem with ousting Rodríguez.
Polls aren't of course always right, but if they are, then there will be great uncertainty after 24 May, and Andalusia might just give a clue as to how uncertain things will be.
Sunday, May 10, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 10 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (7.30am): 15.5C
Forecast high: 25C; UV: 8
Three-day forecast: 11 May - Sun, 27C; 12 May - Sun, 26C; 13 May - Sun, 27C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): Variable 2 to 3, locally Northeast 4 during the afternoon.
Cooler morning with some patchy cloud, but another fine day in store. The outlook for the week - getting warmer and potentially very hot towards the end of the week with the chance of a storm.
Evening update (20.00): High of 28.7C but a decent fresh breeze as well.
No Frills Excursions
A Castle And The Legend Of Fog
The mediaeval period of European civilisation lasted for over a thousand years. Its beginning is clearer than its conclusion. The fall of the Roman Empire in the fifth century was a political occurrence that left its mark on much of the continent and so began the Early Middle Ages. This was the start of mediaevalism. The end, however, did rather depend upon local events, which in Spain is generally considered to have been 1492, the year of Columbus's first voyage and discovery and the fall of Arabic-occupied Granada, the last act of the many-centuries-long re-conquest of Spain.
It is a period divided into three eras - the Early Middle Ages until the start of the second millennium, the High Middle Ages till around the beginning of the fourteenth century and the final Late Middle Ages. For Mallorca, very little is known about the first era. The arrival of the Vandals, instrumental in the fall of the Roman Empire, in the mid-fifth century is known, as is the subsequent appearance of the eastern Byzantine Empire in the following century. But all that is really understood of the Byzantines is that they came to Mallorca. From the middle of the sixth century until the occupation by the Arabs from the early tenth century, little or nothing is known. To all intents and purposes, four hundred years of Mallorca's history doesn't exist.
In fact, this missing history is rather longer and subject to debate. Were the Vandals as destructive as has been thought, for example? The principal evidence for their invasion comes from Alcudia's Pollentia Roman settlement. It was abandoned by the local people when the Vandals came to town. Or so it is commonly maintained. However, there is now contradictory evidence that it wasn't completely abandoned, just as there is also evidence - from excavations at the site - of possible Byzantine influence earlier than has normally been understood. But whatever really happened in those years of the Early Middle Ages is likely to remain a mystery: Majorca's mediaeval period was one of Arabs and of Catalans, their starting dates very clear - 902 and 1229.
Among the legacies that the Arabs left behind in Mallorca was regional organisation. These administrative districts included Bullansa (Alcudia, Pollensa and some of Escorca) and Yartan (in Arabic, garden), part of which was Capdepera: Cap de la Pera, the cape of stone, which was documented in the "Llibre dels fets" that chronicled the reign of Jaume I, the conqueror of Mallorca. This "book of deeds" refers to Cap de la Pera in the context of the surrender of Arabs in Menorca, which was formally given in what is now Capdepera. The name was retained, and in 1300 this village was granted official "royal" status by Jaume's successor, Jaume II, who also set about the redevelopment of the castle.
This fortification, which was to become the largest on Mallorca, straddled the Roman and Mediaeval periods. The original castle was built in the early fourth century. The Arabs were to extend it, while the Catalans undertook its massive expansion. Given Capdepera's exposed location, villagers, for their own safety and for the defence of the village, were moved inside the castle's walls. There were some sixty dwellings in all. The castle is one of the principal examples of building that occurred in the High Middle Ages.
This is a castle which can boast the stuff of legend. At a time when Mallorca and Soller are celebrating the Moorish invasion of 1561 (tomorrow's "Es Firó" in Soller), it should be noted that Capdepera very nearly had its own invasion. Or so the legend has it. The "Miracle of the Fog" doesn't have a specified date in history, but it is one tied in with the piratical Moorish incursions, such as that of Soller. Whenever it was, from the walls of the castle, invading ships could be seen. The number seemed incalculable. The village was going to be attacked and the slaughter was likely to be appalling. But, there was hope, and it came in the form of the Virgen de la Esperanza, the Virgin of Hope, if you like. The image was taken from the tower of Sa Boira, there were prayers and, remarkably enough, a great fog descended, which so disconcerted and terrified the invaders that they turned back. Capdepera was spared.
This is a legend (celebrated each year on 18 December) which dates from a post-mediaeval era, but it is one linked inextricably to the mediaeval castle, where, from Friday this week, Capdepera will be holding its annual mediaeval market, an event marked by dark forces and all the trappings of the town's mediaeval past.
It is a period divided into three eras - the Early Middle Ages until the start of the second millennium, the High Middle Ages till around the beginning of the fourteenth century and the final Late Middle Ages. For Mallorca, very little is known about the first era. The arrival of the Vandals, instrumental in the fall of the Roman Empire, in the mid-fifth century is known, as is the subsequent appearance of the eastern Byzantine Empire in the following century. But all that is really understood of the Byzantines is that they came to Mallorca. From the middle of the sixth century until the occupation by the Arabs from the early tenth century, little or nothing is known. To all intents and purposes, four hundred years of Mallorca's history doesn't exist.
In fact, this missing history is rather longer and subject to debate. Were the Vandals as destructive as has been thought, for example? The principal evidence for their invasion comes from Alcudia's Pollentia Roman settlement. It was abandoned by the local people when the Vandals came to town. Or so it is commonly maintained. However, there is now contradictory evidence that it wasn't completely abandoned, just as there is also evidence - from excavations at the site - of possible Byzantine influence earlier than has normally been understood. But whatever really happened in those years of the Early Middle Ages is likely to remain a mystery: Majorca's mediaeval period was one of Arabs and of Catalans, their starting dates very clear - 902 and 1229.
Among the legacies that the Arabs left behind in Mallorca was regional organisation. These administrative districts included Bullansa (Alcudia, Pollensa and some of Escorca) and Yartan (in Arabic, garden), part of which was Capdepera: Cap de la Pera, the cape of stone, which was documented in the "Llibre dels fets" that chronicled the reign of Jaume I, the conqueror of Mallorca. This "book of deeds" refers to Cap de la Pera in the context of the surrender of Arabs in Menorca, which was formally given in what is now Capdepera. The name was retained, and in 1300 this village was granted official "royal" status by Jaume's successor, Jaume II, who also set about the redevelopment of the castle.
This fortification, which was to become the largest on Mallorca, straddled the Roman and Mediaeval periods. The original castle was built in the early fourth century. The Arabs were to extend it, while the Catalans undertook its massive expansion. Given Capdepera's exposed location, villagers, for their own safety and for the defence of the village, were moved inside the castle's walls. There were some sixty dwellings in all. The castle is one of the principal examples of building that occurred in the High Middle Ages.
This is a castle which can boast the stuff of legend. At a time when Mallorca and Soller are celebrating the Moorish invasion of 1561 (tomorrow's "Es Firó" in Soller), it should be noted that Capdepera very nearly had its own invasion. Or so the legend has it. The "Miracle of the Fog" doesn't have a specified date in history, but it is one tied in with the piratical Moorish incursions, such as that of Soller. Whenever it was, from the walls of the castle, invading ships could be seen. The number seemed incalculable. The village was going to be attacked and the slaughter was likely to be appalling. But, there was hope, and it came in the form of the Virgen de la Esperanza, the Virgin of Hope, if you like. The image was taken from the tower of Sa Boira, there were prayers and, remarkably enough, a great fog descended, which so disconcerted and terrified the invaders that they turned back. Capdepera was spared.
This is a legend (celebrated each year on 18 December) which dates from a post-mediaeval era, but it is one linked inextricably to the mediaeval castle, where, from Friday this week, Capdepera will be holding its annual mediaeval market, an event marked by dark forces and all the trappings of the town's mediaeval past.
Labels:
Capdepera,
Fairs,
Mallorca,
Mediaeval period,
Miracle of the fog
Saturday, May 09, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 9 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (8.45am): 21.5C
Forecast high: 27C; UV: 8
Three-day forecast: 10 May - Sun, 26C; 11 May - Sun, 23C; 12 May - Sun, 26C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): Variable 2 to 3.
Summer is here and it is only mid-spring. It's going to be tough going for the thousands of participants in today's Ironman triathlon in Alcúdia.
Evening update (22.00): Fabulous. Hot but with a fresh breeze. Perfect. High of 29.2C.
No Frills Excursions
Two More Than Ordinary Joes
In the blue corner, José; in the other blue corner, José. Smokin' Joe, José Ramón Bauzá versus Stokin' Joe, José María Rodríguez. A fight they said would never happen. It's going the distance, ten rounds or more between the champion of the Partido Popular in the Balearics, José Ramón, and the champion of the Palma wing of the party, José María. The president thought he had delivered a knockout blow, but José María, no sign of any injured shoulder, came swinging back. He was going nowhere.
On Monday, José Ramón stated that José María's time with the PP was up. The fight's authority, the anti-corruption prosecutor, Pedro Horrach, had implied that José María was unfit to carry on fighting: all to do with payments in black for the PP's 2003 election campaign for which he won't carry the can because of statute of limitations. Never mind this legal technicality, reckoned José Ramón. The bell had rung for the last time for José María.
By the end of the week, José María was making it clear that he was not about to resign as party president in Palma. An embarrassing and frosty encounter between the two Joes at a dinner at which it was hoped that differences could be patched up exposed the vast rift that developed in PP-land over the week. It had been an earthquake on a potentially terminal scale. "Rodriguistas" in Palma were coming to the defence of their man. If Bauzá was so insistent on Rodríguez resigning, they wouldn't attend a meeting between Bauzá and Mariano Rajoy, planned some time before the 24 May election. The conspicuousness of their absence would provide a "lethal image" for Bauzá.
It is perhaps too simple to say that Bauzá was reacting to the Horrach declaration regarding black payments. There had been a damning article in the Spanish press which said that Bauzá was a "hostage" to Rodríguez. In other words, he couldn't live without him, much though he would prefer not to have to. Palma's PP list of candidates had been filled with "Rodriguistas" - the mayoral candidate, Marga Durán, the number two, Alvaro Gijón - and Bauzá had been party to this. By siding with Rodríguez, who had been stoking the fires to rid Palma of a too independently minded Mateo Isern, over the purging of Isern, he had given them succour.
This is a strange affair. I am convinced that Bauzá never wanted Rodríguez to be the national government delegate to the Balearics - an appointment made in late 2011 - and that he was more than happy when Rodríguez was forced out of this post when he was implicated as part of the massive Palma Arena criminal investigation. Yet, he was in a way a hostage to him, a hostage to an old-style PP in the Balearics.
Bauzá, for all his faults, has attempted to be a moderniser. He has made mistakes, many of them, but he has sought to rid the party of the stench of corruption that still hangs over it from the Matas era (Rodríguez was a minister under Matas) and to move it in a direction that is less parochial, one represented by one-time president Cristòfol Soler, now no longer a member of the party. One of his greatest mistakes was Isern, who he saw as a rival. By allowing this to cloud his judgement, he became a hostage to the "Rodriguistas", and so the fight will continue till the last breath, when they both may well expire on 24 May.
On Monday, José Ramón stated that José María's time with the PP was up. The fight's authority, the anti-corruption prosecutor, Pedro Horrach, had implied that José María was unfit to carry on fighting: all to do with payments in black for the PP's 2003 election campaign for which he won't carry the can because of statute of limitations. Never mind this legal technicality, reckoned José Ramón. The bell had rung for the last time for José María.
By the end of the week, José María was making it clear that he was not about to resign as party president in Palma. An embarrassing and frosty encounter between the two Joes at a dinner at which it was hoped that differences could be patched up exposed the vast rift that developed in PP-land over the week. It had been an earthquake on a potentially terminal scale. "Rodriguistas" in Palma were coming to the defence of their man. If Bauzá was so insistent on Rodríguez resigning, they wouldn't attend a meeting between Bauzá and Mariano Rajoy, planned some time before the 24 May election. The conspicuousness of their absence would provide a "lethal image" for Bauzá.
It is perhaps too simple to say that Bauzá was reacting to the Horrach declaration regarding black payments. There had been a damning article in the Spanish press which said that Bauzá was a "hostage" to Rodríguez. In other words, he couldn't live without him, much though he would prefer not to have to. Palma's PP list of candidates had been filled with "Rodriguistas" - the mayoral candidate, Marga Durán, the number two, Alvaro Gijón - and Bauzá had been party to this. By siding with Rodríguez, who had been stoking the fires to rid Palma of a too independently minded Mateo Isern, over the purging of Isern, he had given them succour.
This is a strange affair. I am convinced that Bauzá never wanted Rodríguez to be the national government delegate to the Balearics - an appointment made in late 2011 - and that he was more than happy when Rodríguez was forced out of this post when he was implicated as part of the massive Palma Arena criminal investigation. Yet, he was in a way a hostage to him, a hostage to an old-style PP in the Balearics.
Bauzá, for all his faults, has attempted to be a moderniser. He has made mistakes, many of them, but he has sought to rid the party of the stench of corruption that still hangs over it from the Matas era (Rodríguez was a minister under Matas) and to move it in a direction that is less parochial, one represented by one-time president Cristòfol Soler, now no longer a member of the party. One of his greatest mistakes was Isern, who he saw as a rival. By allowing this to cloud his judgement, he became a hostage to the "Rodriguistas", and so the fight will continue till the last breath, when they both may well expire on 24 May.
Labels:
José María Rodríguez,
José Ramón Bauzá,
Mallorca,
Palma,
Partido Popular
Friday, May 08, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 8 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (9.15am): 20.5C
Forecast high: 26C; UV: 8
Three-day forecast: 9 May - Sun, 26C; 10 May - Sun, 23C; 11 May - Sun, 24C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): South 2 to 3.
More of the same. Sun, in other words. General outlook - no change, other than temperatures falling a bit then climbing again. This is looking like it could be a long hot summer.
No Frills Excursions
The Politics Of Mallorca's Tourism
As the regional election draws closer, the Mallorcan Hoteliers Federation, which can often give the impression of being a party in its own right, has jumped the gun in having a new president. The appointment of Inmaculada de Benito was finally confirmed on Monday, and she becomes the first president of the federation who is not a hotelier: she is a career administrator-cum-hotel politician.
In the presence of various politicians as well as business leaders and of course hoteliers, de Benito sounded as though she really was a politician. "We must all work with a unity of action if we want to advance as a country," she said. As the national Minister for Employment was on the stage with her, this line might well end up in a Mariano Rajoy speech some time in the not too distant future.
The hotel and tourism industries being as they are - rather important - inevitably attract a great deal of political interest, and as I alluded to in this column last week, there is a growing momentum in the tourism industry behind the Ciudadanos (C's) party. A week may be a long time in politics but it has proved to be a short time in giving the C's even more momentum. In parts of Spain dominated by coastal tourism where the Partido Popular vote is forecast as "collapsing" in the regional elections, the C's are the next best or even preferred option. The presidents of two unnamed tourist business associations have said that they will back Albert Rivera's party, while in the Balearics, it would appear that there are any number of directors and other management of hotel chains who are willing to vote for the C's and to advise friends and members of their families to do likewise. The hotel industry, as I say, is a powerful political force, and not just in Mallorca.
Part of the political debate does centre on what the hoteliers perceive as potentially dangerous policies that parties on the left might unleash, such as a tourist tax. The C's would probably not entertain such a policy, although it is a mark of the desperation within the PP that the party has been branded leftist when it is generally considered not to be. The C's would, nevertheless, be a safer option for the industry if the PP vote does indeed collapse.
Cranking up the case against a tourist tax is Thomas Cook. Its director of contracting, Hans Müller, came out at the weekend with an attack on such a tax. "Every few years mistakes are repeated, and we are now faced with the danger that this idea (a tourist tax in the Balearics) could suddenly cost us everything that has been gained over the past four years (a reference to the Bauzá PP government)." He went on to say that he didn't think a tax was either "fair" or "smart" and that it would have the same effect as the old eco-tax: a loss of tourists.
In the presence of various politicians as well as business leaders and of course hoteliers, de Benito sounded as though she really was a politician. "We must all work with a unity of action if we want to advance as a country," she said. As the national Minister for Employment was on the stage with her, this line might well end up in a Mariano Rajoy speech some time in the not too distant future.
The hotel and tourism industries being as they are - rather important - inevitably attract a great deal of political interest, and as I alluded to in this column last week, there is a growing momentum in the tourism industry behind the Ciudadanos (C's) party. A week may be a long time in politics but it has proved to be a short time in giving the C's even more momentum. In parts of Spain dominated by coastal tourism where the Partido Popular vote is forecast as "collapsing" in the regional elections, the C's are the next best or even preferred option. The presidents of two unnamed tourist business associations have said that they will back Albert Rivera's party, while in the Balearics, it would appear that there are any number of directors and other management of hotel chains who are willing to vote for the C's and to advise friends and members of their families to do likewise. The hotel industry, as I say, is a powerful political force, and not just in Mallorca.
Part of the political debate does centre on what the hoteliers perceive as potentially dangerous policies that parties on the left might unleash, such as a tourist tax. The C's would probably not entertain such a policy, although it is a mark of the desperation within the PP that the party has been branded leftist when it is generally considered not to be. The C's would, nevertheless, be a safer option for the industry if the PP vote does indeed collapse.
Cranking up the case against a tourist tax is Thomas Cook. Its director of contracting, Hans Müller, came out at the weekend with an attack on such a tax. "Every few years mistakes are repeated, and we are now faced with the danger that this idea (a tourist tax in the Balearics) could suddenly cost us everything that has been gained over the past four years (a reference to the Bauzá PP government)." He went on to say that he didn't think a tax was either "fair" or "smart" and that it would have the same effect as the old eco-tax: a loss of tourists.
Thursday, May 07, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 7 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (7.30am): 16C
Forecast high: 25C; UV: 9
Three-day forecast: 8 May - Sun, 24C; 9 May - Sun, 22C; 10 May - Sun, 23C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): Northeast 3 veering Southeast by the evening.
Lovely, bright morning. Sun all the way and for the foreseeable future. Temperatures more in keeping with early May than they have been.
Evening update (22.00): High of 26.7C but still felt fresh.
No Frills Excursions
The Underfunding Of Balearic Public Services
If a report is issued by a union - the UGT in this instance - you might be inclined to think that any negative findings would be the result of political bias. However, when another report appears simultaneously from a bank or at least a bank's foundation - BBVA's - then you might be inclined to revise your opinion. What both reports highlight is that public services in the Balearics are, by comparison with almost everywhere else in Spain, underfunded - and underfunded by some distance.
Education. This has the lowest funding per head of population of all the regions of Spain. At 793 euros per head, it is a quarter lower than spending by the top-rated region, the Basque Country. Health. The Balearics has the second lowest financing but only by one euro - Valencia is worse off at 1,079 euros. Social services. Second to bottom here as well: less than 61 euros per person.
That the BBVA Foundation, in collaboration with the Valencia Institute of Economic Research, can come up with virtually identical results to those of the union makes these results hard to dispute. They also make for potentially grim reading for the Partido Popular. With the election on its way, disclosure as to such low levels of financing gives opponents plenty of ammunition and the electorate - many of them anyway - cause for concern and for possible reconsideration of voting choice. They reinforce criticism of cuts in public spending by the Bauzá administration and a perception that government policy has been one of pushing the public towards the private sector in both education and health.
If the UGT's report had not got the support it has, the government would have wriggle room, but the BBVA report makes any attempts to argue with the findings less plausible. It will be interesting to see how the PP tries to spin them, though it might prefer to try and ignore them. Other parties, however, won't allow them to, and the fact that two of the sectors - education and health - have been the ones for which there has been ministerial upheaval over the course of the Bauza administration will merely add fuel to their arguments: both ministries have had three ministers in the past four years.
When it comes to health, it can safely be said that the second of these ministers, Antoni Mesquida, resigned because he didn't agree with government policy. This may well have been the reason why the first, Carmen Castro, also left the post. She, though, went under the explanation of "personal reasons", never to be heard from again; Mesquida was not quite so taciturn. The third one, Martí Sansaloni, just did as he was told, though tellingly, he is not on the PP list of candidates for parliamentary deputies on 24 May. Sansaloni was left to defend the chaos that broke out in the health service towards the end of last year when local health centres were unable to meet patient appointments because of lack of doctors and nurses. Sansaloni attributed this to a computer error in not assigning staff to cover for absence and holidays. No one really believed him, and when the finance minister had to dig into the coffers to give the health service some money to see it through to the end of the year, this disbelief was confirmed.
Education policy, as I suspect we are all only too painfully aware, has been dominated by the trilingual teaching (TIL) fiasco. It was one that claimed the first minister, Rafael Bosch, because he wasn't an enthusiastic advocate, and the second, Joana Camps, because she wasn't any good. But TIL has obscured the cuts in spending on a public education service which consistently turns in poor performance results when compared with other Spanish regions. There is, though, a telling factor in these comparative figures, and it is linked to TIL. The Basque Country is the only region of Spain to have a properly established three-language teaching system. Nowhere else has really attempted to have one (a full-on one), except the Balearics over the course of the Bauza administration. Education funding that is 25% greater than that of the Balearics must surely tell a story. In addition to its three-language system of Basque, Castellano and English, the Basque Country is a consistently good education performer, as revealed by the student assessment measures.
Of course, the government may well try and justify the findings by blaming them on the raw-deal financing that the Balearics receives through the redistribution of revenues from the national government, and it may well be justified in doing so. However, perceptions, as always are what count rather than simply quoting numbers, and while there is a perception of cuts as a means of promoting the private sector, such justification will fall on many a deaf ear. These reports are not good news for the PP.
Education. This has the lowest funding per head of population of all the regions of Spain. At 793 euros per head, it is a quarter lower than spending by the top-rated region, the Basque Country. Health. The Balearics has the second lowest financing but only by one euro - Valencia is worse off at 1,079 euros. Social services. Second to bottom here as well: less than 61 euros per person.
That the BBVA Foundation, in collaboration with the Valencia Institute of Economic Research, can come up with virtually identical results to those of the union makes these results hard to dispute. They also make for potentially grim reading for the Partido Popular. With the election on its way, disclosure as to such low levels of financing gives opponents plenty of ammunition and the electorate - many of them anyway - cause for concern and for possible reconsideration of voting choice. They reinforce criticism of cuts in public spending by the Bauzá administration and a perception that government policy has been one of pushing the public towards the private sector in both education and health.
If the UGT's report had not got the support it has, the government would have wriggle room, but the BBVA report makes any attempts to argue with the findings less plausible. It will be interesting to see how the PP tries to spin them, though it might prefer to try and ignore them. Other parties, however, won't allow them to, and the fact that two of the sectors - education and health - have been the ones for which there has been ministerial upheaval over the course of the Bauza administration will merely add fuel to their arguments: both ministries have had three ministers in the past four years.
When it comes to health, it can safely be said that the second of these ministers, Antoni Mesquida, resigned because he didn't agree with government policy. This may well have been the reason why the first, Carmen Castro, also left the post. She, though, went under the explanation of "personal reasons", never to be heard from again; Mesquida was not quite so taciturn. The third one, Martí Sansaloni, just did as he was told, though tellingly, he is not on the PP list of candidates for parliamentary deputies on 24 May. Sansaloni was left to defend the chaos that broke out in the health service towards the end of last year when local health centres were unable to meet patient appointments because of lack of doctors and nurses. Sansaloni attributed this to a computer error in not assigning staff to cover for absence and holidays. No one really believed him, and when the finance minister had to dig into the coffers to give the health service some money to see it through to the end of the year, this disbelief was confirmed.
Education policy, as I suspect we are all only too painfully aware, has been dominated by the trilingual teaching (TIL) fiasco. It was one that claimed the first minister, Rafael Bosch, because he wasn't an enthusiastic advocate, and the second, Joana Camps, because she wasn't any good. But TIL has obscured the cuts in spending on a public education service which consistently turns in poor performance results when compared with other Spanish regions. There is, though, a telling factor in these comparative figures, and it is linked to TIL. The Basque Country is the only region of Spain to have a properly established three-language teaching system. Nowhere else has really attempted to have one (a full-on one), except the Balearics over the course of the Bauza administration. Education funding that is 25% greater than that of the Balearics must surely tell a story. In addition to its three-language system of Basque, Castellano and English, the Basque Country is a consistently good education performer, as revealed by the student assessment measures.
Of course, the government may well try and justify the findings by blaming them on the raw-deal financing that the Balearics receives through the redistribution of revenues from the national government, and it may well be justified in doing so. However, perceptions, as always are what count rather than simply quoting numbers, and while there is a perception of cuts as a means of promoting the private sector, such justification will fall on many a deaf ear. These reports are not good news for the PP.
Labels:
Balearics,
Education,
Funding,
Health,
Partido Popular
Wednesday, May 06, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 6 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (7.30am): 19C
Forecast high: 24C; UV: 7
Three-day forecast: 7 May - Sun, 25C; 8 May - Sun, 25C; 9 May - Sun, 23C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): Northeast 2 to 3.
Cloudy again to start with, so may be a similar day to yesterday, very warm but rather hazy sun.
Evening update (21.45): Fresher day, good sun and a high of 23.9C.
No Frills Excursions
Nights Of Historic Drinking: Elections
There is an election tomorrow apparently. I know there is because of endless chatter and comment which I listen to with general disregard and which I refrain from joining in with through a general disinterest. No, wrong word. I am interested. But only from a distance. I should perhaps concern myself but it is hard to do so. What's the worst that could happen? Britain leaving the EU, unlikely though this might be? What's the point of speculating how it would be? Something like that has never happened, though the consequence would probably be that we end up being Norwegians: treated in the same way, that is. No real change, then.
It's a shame in a way. Election nights were once such fun, even when Labour were being royally shafted at the polls. My own affiliation was never what you might call dogmatic. While friends were warning of the fires of damnation that would ravage the land if Thatcher won, I rather wanted her to win, if only because she was such a preposterous figure of strangled enunciation and unconvincing affectation. She would provide hours of amusement, and she did, though when she was seen addressing a collapsing and divided nation on a dodgy television in a distant land (an island in Greece) in the summer of 1981, I was reminded of those fires. The streets of Britain were burning.
Of course, the hours turned into many, many long years. Far too many. Was it such a surprise? When my red-rosette-wearing chums came into the pub on election night, 1983, an air of quiet optimism hanging over their pints of Fullers, I didn't have the heart to say that Foot didn't have a cat in hell's chance. I didn't need to. It was obvious. Nevertheless, we decamped to one of our number's flats, where ample refreshment would sustain us until first light and where we could play with our own improvised swing-o-meter, as we were also to in 1987 as Kinnock made only partial progress on the road to New Labour.
These were nights of historic drinking. More wakes than real parties, the body of Labour already turning an unlikely blue as the first results ominously stated their swings and the professorial psephologists calculated the final denouement through a mysterious alchemy of turning one result into over 600: the Duckworths and Lewises of election estimation.
Then hope. But no. Why did he do it? Kinnock, that is. Or maybe Sheffield hadn't been as crucial as was made out. I was asked, by a Conservative sort, the wife of a leading local politico who was a mate of Eric Pickles (this was from a time when I lived near Bradford), if my house could be used for a bit of a Tory election-night bash. Bloody cheek. It, the house, may have had its own bar, but I reserved the right to choose those who drank in it. So I did. Oh, Neil. Oh dear.
But 1997 came along. What a glorious, sunny spring morn it was. The park in west London was full of birdsong, the flower beds were blooming, there was a freshness and a newness in the air as I strode towards the polling station, one of the first through the door on that first of May, an appropriate day, some might say. And the second of May was just as wondrous. Hangovers on an industrial scale did not prevent those one encountered in the streets shaking strangers by the hand, embracing them with warmth and smiles. It was if the war had been won.
That was the last one. It was right to go out on a high. All was so disappointing afterwards. How much faith did Blair destroy? How much did he let down those of us who had partied like it already was 1999 on the night of the glorious first?
There have been no more parties because I haven't been there, and so the interest has gradually waned, while the trust had been shattered. A "regular guy"? Oh no he was not. And there will be no party tomorrow. Why would there be? What is there to party for? An election in what is all but a foreign land. Interesting but only somewhat. Besides, there is the disenfranchisement.
It's a shame in a way. That there is nothing to replace those nights. Elections are for observation, not participation. I'm not complaining when it comes to the Spanish election, though I know many do. Maastricht gave us what it did: Euro MPs, of whom we know little and for whom we care even less. Nevertheless, it would be nice to be able to vote, if only because of the mischief value. One more in favour of Sr. Iglesias wouldn't make too much difference, do you think? But it is not to be, and nor will the party night.
It's a shame in a way. Election nights were once such fun, even when Labour were being royally shafted at the polls. My own affiliation was never what you might call dogmatic. While friends were warning of the fires of damnation that would ravage the land if Thatcher won, I rather wanted her to win, if only because she was such a preposterous figure of strangled enunciation and unconvincing affectation. She would provide hours of amusement, and she did, though when she was seen addressing a collapsing and divided nation on a dodgy television in a distant land (an island in Greece) in the summer of 1981, I was reminded of those fires. The streets of Britain were burning.
Of course, the hours turned into many, many long years. Far too many. Was it such a surprise? When my red-rosette-wearing chums came into the pub on election night, 1983, an air of quiet optimism hanging over their pints of Fullers, I didn't have the heart to say that Foot didn't have a cat in hell's chance. I didn't need to. It was obvious. Nevertheless, we decamped to one of our number's flats, where ample refreshment would sustain us until first light and where we could play with our own improvised swing-o-meter, as we were also to in 1987 as Kinnock made only partial progress on the road to New Labour.
These were nights of historic drinking. More wakes than real parties, the body of Labour already turning an unlikely blue as the first results ominously stated their swings and the professorial psephologists calculated the final denouement through a mysterious alchemy of turning one result into over 600: the Duckworths and Lewises of election estimation.
Then hope. But no. Why did he do it? Kinnock, that is. Or maybe Sheffield hadn't been as crucial as was made out. I was asked, by a Conservative sort, the wife of a leading local politico who was a mate of Eric Pickles (this was from a time when I lived near Bradford), if my house could be used for a bit of a Tory election-night bash. Bloody cheek. It, the house, may have had its own bar, but I reserved the right to choose those who drank in it. So I did. Oh, Neil. Oh dear.
But 1997 came along. What a glorious, sunny spring morn it was. The park in west London was full of birdsong, the flower beds were blooming, there was a freshness and a newness in the air as I strode towards the polling station, one of the first through the door on that first of May, an appropriate day, some might say. And the second of May was just as wondrous. Hangovers on an industrial scale did not prevent those one encountered in the streets shaking strangers by the hand, embracing them with warmth and smiles. It was if the war had been won.
That was the last one. It was right to go out on a high. All was so disappointing afterwards. How much faith did Blair destroy? How much did he let down those of us who had partied like it already was 1999 on the night of the glorious first?
There have been no more parties because I haven't been there, and so the interest has gradually waned, while the trust had been shattered. A "regular guy"? Oh no he was not. And there will be no party tomorrow. Why would there be? What is there to party for? An election in what is all but a foreign land. Interesting but only somewhat. Besides, there is the disenfranchisement.
It's a shame in a way. That there is nothing to replace those nights. Elections are for observation, not participation. I'm not complaining when it comes to the Spanish election, though I know many do. Maastricht gave us what it did: Euro MPs, of whom we know little and for whom we care even less. Nevertheless, it would be nice to be able to vote, if only because of the mischief value. One more in favour of Sr. Iglesias wouldn't make too much difference, do you think? But it is not to be, and nor will the party night.
Labels:
British elections,
Disenfranchisement,
Parties,
Spain,
Voting rights
Tuesday, May 05, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 5 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (7.45am): 19C
Forecast high: 25C; UV: 8
Three-day forecast: 6 May - Cloud, sun, 24C; 7 May - Sun, 21C; 8 May - Sun, 25C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): West 3 to 4.
Quite cloudy this morning, but sun on the way. Another quite warm day in order as well.
Evening update (21.00): Not really bright sun, but very warm. A high of 30.8C.
No Frills Excursions
The Battle Of The Bulls' Heads
It would be stretching things to suggest that Mallorca has a bit of an Elgin Marbles-style thing going on, but emotions do run high when it comes to ancient artifacts unearthed on the island and taken off to Madrid where they are on permanent display, a long way from their land of provenance.
The "caps de bou" (bulls' heads) of Costitx are a prime example of this state plundering of archaeological treasures. Well, plundering is an exaggeration, though some might consider the sale of the heads to have been so. They have been in the possession of the National Archaeological Museum of Spain since 1895, when a German archaeologist sold them to the state museum for 3,500 pesetas, an amount which seems extraordinarily low even for those times.
In order to understand why that sale figure can appear as meagre as it now does, one has to know the story of the bulls' heads. It is one that goes back to perhaps as long ago in antiquity as the fifth century BC, though its starting-point may be earlier - the second century BC: a definitive date has never been established. Whenever it was, the heads are from the Talaiotic period of Mallorca's history, a time which has as its most obvious manifestations the stones of Talaiotic settlements, one of which is the sanctuary of Son Corró in the village of Costitx. It was here that the three heads were discovered in 1894.
They are referred to as small, medium and large because of their varying sizes, and when they were found, they were in a remarkably good state of preservation. The quality of the "find", therefore, was one reason why they were valuable. Another - and perhaps the most important - was that they are the finest example of icons that worshipped the cult of the bull, which was one of the principal religious practices of the Talaiotic people. More than this, they are made of bronze, and so are evidence of the exchange the Talaiotic people must have had with other cultures: there was no and is no tin on Mallorca, and a bronze alloy would have needed it.
At the time that the sale was being effected, the Llullian Archaeological Society in Mallorca (named after Ramon Llull) attempted to buy the heads by raising money through public subscription. This was to end in failure, though, as sufficient funds could not be raised to match the price that the museum was going to pay, and so the heads went to Madrid, where they still are.
1979 was the first time when a genuine effort was launched to try and have the heads returned to Mallorca. As with subsequent ones, in 1983 and 1986, it came to nothing. In 2008, it appeared as though there was some movement. The national Minister for Culture seemed disposed to agreeing to the return. Yet again, however, the attempt was ultimately fruitless. The Council of Mallorca, meanwhile, and in its role as promoter of Mallorca's culture, had suggested that the heads should be placed on display for six months at an exhibition to mark the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Costitx having been a separate municipality in 2005. Again, the attempt was not successful.
One of the strange aspects of these constant rejections was that there were distinctly political overtones. These weren't of right versus left because both the Partido Popular and PSOE were against the bulls being returned. The reasons why were not totally clear, other than that they appeared to be founded on some form of rejection of images with a clear Mallorcan "nationalist" flavour.
In March last year, the mayor of Costitx, Antoni Salas, who is a member of the regionalist-nationalist El Pi party, called for the heads to be brought to Mallorca this summer and be displayed at the Museum of Mallorca. He seemed to be getting somewhere, even with the PP-dominated regional government and Council of Mallorca, both of which had to be onside in pressing for this temporary arrangement. But nothing has happened since, until now, and Salas is once more asking for the heads to be brought to Costitx, where they have only once ever been on show - this was in 1995, to mark the anniversary of the sale.
The refusals that have emanated from Madrid are in fact consistent with an attitude on behalf of central government and the state museum to not hand back ancient treasures not just to Mallorca and the Balearics but to all the regions of Spain. In one sense this is understandable. The museum is, after all, the museum for Spain's history, but then the bulls' heads are representative of a distinctive culture that Mallorca and the Balearics do not share with the rest of Spain; they are part of the island's own culture. Should they be on display here? Of course they should be.
Photo of the bulls' heads from Sencelles town hall - www.ajsencelles.net
The "caps de bou" (bulls' heads) of Costitx are a prime example of this state plundering of archaeological treasures. Well, plundering is an exaggeration, though some might consider the sale of the heads to have been so. They have been in the possession of the National Archaeological Museum of Spain since 1895, when a German archaeologist sold them to the state museum for 3,500 pesetas, an amount which seems extraordinarily low even for those times.
In order to understand why that sale figure can appear as meagre as it now does, one has to know the story of the bulls' heads. It is one that goes back to perhaps as long ago in antiquity as the fifth century BC, though its starting-point may be earlier - the second century BC: a definitive date has never been established. Whenever it was, the heads are from the Talaiotic period of Mallorca's history, a time which has as its most obvious manifestations the stones of Talaiotic settlements, one of which is the sanctuary of Son Corró in the village of Costitx. It was here that the three heads were discovered in 1894.
They are referred to as small, medium and large because of their varying sizes, and when they were found, they were in a remarkably good state of preservation. The quality of the "find", therefore, was one reason why they were valuable. Another - and perhaps the most important - was that they are the finest example of icons that worshipped the cult of the bull, which was one of the principal religious practices of the Talaiotic people. More than this, they are made of bronze, and so are evidence of the exchange the Talaiotic people must have had with other cultures: there was no and is no tin on Mallorca, and a bronze alloy would have needed it.
At the time that the sale was being effected, the Llullian Archaeological Society in Mallorca (named after Ramon Llull) attempted to buy the heads by raising money through public subscription. This was to end in failure, though, as sufficient funds could not be raised to match the price that the museum was going to pay, and so the heads went to Madrid, where they still are.
1979 was the first time when a genuine effort was launched to try and have the heads returned to Mallorca. As with subsequent ones, in 1983 and 1986, it came to nothing. In 2008, it appeared as though there was some movement. The national Minister for Culture seemed disposed to agreeing to the return. Yet again, however, the attempt was ultimately fruitless. The Council of Mallorca, meanwhile, and in its role as promoter of Mallorca's culture, had suggested that the heads should be placed on display for six months at an exhibition to mark the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Costitx having been a separate municipality in 2005. Again, the attempt was not successful.
One of the strange aspects of these constant rejections was that there were distinctly political overtones. These weren't of right versus left because both the Partido Popular and PSOE were against the bulls being returned. The reasons why were not totally clear, other than that they appeared to be founded on some form of rejection of images with a clear Mallorcan "nationalist" flavour.
In March last year, the mayor of Costitx, Antoni Salas, who is a member of the regionalist-nationalist El Pi party, called for the heads to be brought to Mallorca this summer and be displayed at the Museum of Mallorca. He seemed to be getting somewhere, even with the PP-dominated regional government and Council of Mallorca, both of which had to be onside in pressing for this temporary arrangement. But nothing has happened since, until now, and Salas is once more asking for the heads to be brought to Costitx, where they have only once ever been on show - this was in 1995, to mark the anniversary of the sale.
The refusals that have emanated from Madrid are in fact consistent with an attitude on behalf of central government and the state museum to not hand back ancient treasures not just to Mallorca and the Balearics but to all the regions of Spain. In one sense this is understandable. The museum is, after all, the museum for Spain's history, but then the bulls' heads are representative of a distinctive culture that Mallorca and the Balearics do not share with the rest of Spain; they are part of the island's own culture. Should they be on display here? Of course they should be.
Photo of the bulls' heads from Sencelles town hall - www.ajsencelles.net
Monday, May 04, 2015
MALLORCA TODAY - Weather Alcúdia and Pollensa 4 May 2015
Stefanos
Morning high (8.30am): 20C
Forecast high: 25C; UV: 8
Three-day forecast: 5 May - Sun, 26C; 6 May - Sun, cloud, 21C; 7 May - Sun, 21C.
Sea conditions (northern Mallorca; Alcúdia and Pollensa bays to 20.00): South 2 to 4, temporarily Northeast 2 to 3.
A cloudy morning but due to be a decent day with a good deal of sun. The temperatures are set to drop by midweek to more typical values for the time of year.
Evening update (22.45): Sunny but clouded over later. A high of - astonishing for early May - 32.5C.
No Frills Excursions
Too Many Interests
Herzogenaurach is a small town in Bavaria. Its population is around 23,000 (for four years, I was one of them). It is a town whose documented origins can be traced to the start of the eleventh century, so it has some history on its side. But there again, so do many towns and cities in Germany. This history would not mark it out as being anywhere remarkable. Indeed, apart from those who live in the Mittelfranken region of Bavaria, it would be a town that few Germans (or others) would have heard of, were it not for sportswear. This small town, remarkably enough, is home to both Adidas and Puma, the companies formed by the rival Dassler brothers, Adolf and Rudolf. It is a small town which also boasts the headquarters of one of Europe's largest family-owned technology companies, Schaeffler AG, and the factory which made this company what it is, that of the INA bearings manufacturer.
As you might imagine, it is a town which is dominated by two families. I knew some of them. Well, they were rather hard not to know. Despite this domination, despite the way in which the Dassler family had divided and despite a fair smattering of internal politicking that I was aware of at INA, I cannot recall ever having heard a bad word said about either of the families or of their members. There were certainly never any jibes of a "mafia" kind.
This word, "mafia", is liberally used in Mallorca. Only rarely is it appropriate: a Russian mafia on Mallorca is (was?) an isolated example of accuracy. No, it is a term which is applied to dominating families or businesses (and normally they are the same thing), especially at local levels. It can also be applied - and is - to what amount to no more than cliques. It is a word, therefore, which doesn't have any real meaning, so often is it used.
Nevertheless, there is the well-known saying about Mallorca, that it is "Sicily without the guns" (a variant on which is without the deaths). This is an allusion to rivalries and to dominance. So-called mafias run towns in Mallorca, and those of us who live in these towns generally know full well who they are. There are also, supposedly, political mafias, though the PSOE politician, Pilar Costa, has discovered that it isn't a wise thing to start brandishing the mafia word and directing it at individuals: the Partido Popular's José María Rodríguez has taken her to court for having compared him to a mafia don.
Rodríguez's manor is Palma, but the mafias which we hear about are the small town ones and especially those of the resorts, where it is usually clear who the dominant are and for whom many a bad word can be uttered, including the mafia word, even if it is erroneous and simple shorthand for power.
Dominant business (and political) interests often go hand in hand, and the worst consequence of this is the naked corruption that has only recently truly started to be exposed in Mallorca, but such interests do not inevitably have to mean that great numbers of citizens look upon them with contempt, anger or just resignation. This is not how it was in Herzogenaurach, for example, and it will not be the same in other places where dominant interests act in a positive way in creating not only employment but also contented and harmonious local societies and citizenships. Of course, comparing Mallorca's resorts with a German town might seem farfetched, and it would be except for the fact that by making this comparison, one is also assessing different social models: one which has the interests of the many at its heart and one which most certainly doesn't.
Is this simply an observation of a contrast between northern and southern European perspectives? For Mallorca, one could probably say also much of the rest of Spain, Italy, Greece. For Germany, one could also say the Netherlands, Scandinavia, even Britain perhaps. But the contrast can be a stark one. The dominant interests in the resorts act in their own interests. No one else's. There is little sense of the common good or of social responsibility. It's why the dominant resorts can be reviled; why they are referred to as mafias. But this breeds a general culture of everyman for himself and hang the rest; hence, you get and have ever more self interests, which are further fostered by a political culture that appears not to understand the meaning of consensus, unlike, for example, Germany.
At the weekend there was a report about a resort in the Spanish press. Its final words were "there are too many interests". You can probably guess the resort and what was being written about. It's not going to change, because the culture won't change and the social model won't change. There will always be the mafias.
As you might imagine, it is a town which is dominated by two families. I knew some of them. Well, they were rather hard not to know. Despite this domination, despite the way in which the Dassler family had divided and despite a fair smattering of internal politicking that I was aware of at INA, I cannot recall ever having heard a bad word said about either of the families or of their members. There were certainly never any jibes of a "mafia" kind.
This word, "mafia", is liberally used in Mallorca. Only rarely is it appropriate: a Russian mafia on Mallorca is (was?) an isolated example of accuracy. No, it is a term which is applied to dominating families or businesses (and normally they are the same thing), especially at local levels. It can also be applied - and is - to what amount to no more than cliques. It is a word, therefore, which doesn't have any real meaning, so often is it used.
Nevertheless, there is the well-known saying about Mallorca, that it is "Sicily without the guns" (a variant on which is without the deaths). This is an allusion to rivalries and to dominance. So-called mafias run towns in Mallorca, and those of us who live in these towns generally know full well who they are. There are also, supposedly, political mafias, though the PSOE politician, Pilar Costa, has discovered that it isn't a wise thing to start brandishing the mafia word and directing it at individuals: the Partido Popular's José María Rodríguez has taken her to court for having compared him to a mafia don.
Rodríguez's manor is Palma, but the mafias which we hear about are the small town ones and especially those of the resorts, where it is usually clear who the dominant are and for whom many a bad word can be uttered, including the mafia word, even if it is erroneous and simple shorthand for power.
Dominant business (and political) interests often go hand in hand, and the worst consequence of this is the naked corruption that has only recently truly started to be exposed in Mallorca, but such interests do not inevitably have to mean that great numbers of citizens look upon them with contempt, anger or just resignation. This is not how it was in Herzogenaurach, for example, and it will not be the same in other places where dominant interests act in a positive way in creating not only employment but also contented and harmonious local societies and citizenships. Of course, comparing Mallorca's resorts with a German town might seem farfetched, and it would be except for the fact that by making this comparison, one is also assessing different social models: one which has the interests of the many at its heart and one which most certainly doesn't.
Is this simply an observation of a contrast between northern and southern European perspectives? For Mallorca, one could probably say also much of the rest of Spain, Italy, Greece. For Germany, one could also say the Netherlands, Scandinavia, even Britain perhaps. But the contrast can be a stark one. The dominant interests in the resorts act in their own interests. No one else's. There is little sense of the common good or of social responsibility. It's why the dominant resorts can be reviled; why they are referred to as mafias. But this breeds a general culture of everyman for himself and hang the rest; hence, you get and have ever more self interests, which are further fostered by a political culture that appears not to understand the meaning of consensus, unlike, for example, Germany.
At the weekend there was a report about a resort in the Spanish press. Its final words were "there are too many interests". You can probably guess the resort and what was being written about. It's not going to change, because the culture won't change and the social model won't change. There will always be the mafias.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)










