The Transparency Illusion

What should the ecotax revenue be spent on? Don't all answer tourism because that would be too simple. In terms of tourism, the best one might say is that the spend is tourism-related. There is no provision for full-on, direct tourism spending, such as with a massive ad campaign. This doesn't fall under the various "purposes" included in the law for the sustainable tourism tax (to give it its actual title). What with all the negativity flying around at present, however, any other government might think it worthwhile forgetting the law and splashing all the anticipated 60 million euros of revenue on such a campaign. Not this government, though.

Even if the government were minded to splash the cash on a huge ad promotional drive, it couldn't of course do so. And that's because of the law. Those purposes are set in legal stone. Or are they? Where the town halls are concerned, there should be some modification in order that they are guaranteed a percentage of the tax bounty. They were mightily miffed not to have received any direct funding from last year's loot. They have made their bids for this year's revenue. The committee that decides, headed by the tourism minister, will draw its conclusions later in the year. Palma, for example, wants the old Torres del Temple to be given a makeover. Alcudia would like its ballsed-up water recycling project reactivated. Tourism? In a related way, yes. The water was intended for hotels' loos and gardens.

But what does one make of a government project to be funded from tax revenue for treating occupational disorders? Around 900,000 euros, it is being said, will go towards treatment for back pain and other ailments suffered by hotel chambermaids. Tourism? Well, in a related way, yes. Hotels are for tourists, as Alcudia town hall recognises. Chambermaids work in hotels.

Where the Palma project is concerned, if falls squarely under the third "purpose" in the legislation: recuperation and rehabilitation of historical and cultural heritage. The Alcudia water recycling scheme is probably served by the first purpose, that of, inter alia, modernisation of the environment. Though to be honest, there would seem to be a bit of a stretching of the definition. When it comes to the chambermaids, the purposes are even more wooly. The only possible qualification is purpose five: the improvement of training and quality of employment.

This, however, would really represent a definitional stretching. Treatment for occupational disorders was not what was meant by quality of employment.

I'm all in favour of the chambermaids getting their treatment. It may be that the project isn't ultimately approved, in which case it will in any event be paid for by the health and employment ministries. But the very fact of the project having been raised begs more questions about the transparency surrounding the spending of the tourist tax revenue. The town halls argued that there was a severe lack of transparency when the projects were decided last time. Is there to be more? And it might be noted that the chambermaids have become something of a political cause célèbre for the government: treated badly by those devils the hoteliers, who haven't done anything for treating or preventing their occupational disorders. Something like this, anyway.

This is a government that has set great store by transparency. It even made it a ministerial responsibility. The relevant minister, Ruth Mateu, lost her job because of a transparency failure - the contracts awarded to Jaume Garau by ministries run by her party, Més. The responsibility for transparency now lies with the department for the presidency.

Either before Mateu resigned (or was sacked) or just after, it would seem that the transparency directorate intervened in a request to see documentation related to the contracts for operating the new airport to resort bus services. The request had been sent to the transport ministry by one of the taxi drivers' associations. The transparency people apparently thought better of letting the association seeing the documentation.

This apparent blocking of information has emerged along with the news that the companies operating the bus services will not incur financial losses. In other words, if the bus routes don't reach their budgeted turnover targets, there will be government compensation for the companies. And it seems that this provision was in the documentation that the transparency directorate blocked.

The association is outraged, so are other taxi driver groups and now also certain business organisations. It was always stated that the bus companies would assume all risk for the services. It would now appear that they do not. There is more than a whiff of scandal, and there hasn't been any comment yet from the government.

If the taxi drivers' association's version of events proves to be accurate, then the government's transparency will be revealed as a sham. And this will be before we get to decisions about the ecotax revenue.

One Door Closes .... Or Fannying Around

So, Fanny, welcome to the increasingly evaporating Balearic government. Do you know that your surname, Tur, if you were to add an umlaut, means door in German? One door closes (on Ruth Mateu) and another one opens. Yours. Shall we see what's behind the door? Ah yes, culture, sport and participation. But alas, no transparency. Where has it gone? Has it already evaporated? No, it's now residing in the ministry of the presidency, another ministry that no one is quite sure what it actually does.

You will be aware of the fact, Fanny, that you are from Ibiza. This seems a little odd. Not coming from Ibiza, one hastens to add, but because Més in Menorca believed they had the ministry sewn up. The insular balance has shifted. What will Més in Menorca make of Més in Ibiza having usurped the cultural, sporting and participative domain, deprived as it now is of transparency?

Their beef isn't with Més in Ibiza, you'll be relieved to learn. It is with Més in Mallorca. It was they who got rid of Ruth. She didn't resign, she was sacked. She was a scapegoat, a Menorcan one. Have you ever sampled Menorcan goat cheese, Fanny? It might just have turned a touch sour at the moment.

You see, the Menorcan branch is none too pleased. It didn't have any contracts with that Garau chappy. It did not have any electoral gurus. Everything is Mallorca's fault. Nothing to do with Ruth. Still, you are about to find out how things are, and not just Més relations that straddle the Menorca Channel.

Anyway, now that you're getting your feet under the desk, what will you be doing? Culturally, a large in-tray beckons. Doesn't it? As a one-time president of the Ramon Llull Institute, you are well positioned to press the claims for his name to appear over the entrance to Palma airport. Then there is the call for the old boy to be made a saint. What a triumph if both could be secured during what remains of the current legislature, assuming that it limps on until 2019 and Més in Menorca and/or Més in Mallorca and/or Podemos don't bring about its collapse.

But aren't both these issues being driven by the Council of Mallorca, where there is a thriving culture department headed by a vice-president and where there is also an avid fan of Llull's in its president? He was the one who popped off to see the Pope about Llull's sainthood. It wasn't Ruth. Or maybe Esperança before Ruth.

So culturally, and aware that there appears to have been the need for all the fannying around that has deemed it necessary to keep your now three-quarters ministry intact, what precisely does the ministry do? Can there be some transparency, please? Seemingly not. That door has been closed. We can look behind the door, Fanny, but we can't see through it.

Confidence Lost

Confidence. A virtue that one has and a virtue that others bestow upon one. Or remove. There has been much confidence removed and lost over the past days. Sam Allardyce, confidence lost in a man over-confident of his position. Pedro Sánchez, PSOE's general secretary, fighting for his political future, as confidence in him drains away along with many of the national executive who have resigned. The Balearic government, the confidence in which is a constant state of flux largely dependent on external influences, such as the manoeuvres by and against Sánchez. Lluís Segura, the chief attorney representing the Balearic government; Caterina Amengual, the same government's director for biodiversity and natural spaces.

Confidence in Big Sam had to be seen to be lost. In times such as these, of transparency and accountability (we are led to believe), it was necessary for him to be sacrificed by a pious English FA, the champions of institutional fair play and nothing else. Sánchez may learn his fate this weekend. He has appealed to the "militancy" in taking on the "barons", who would prefer that he didn't break bread with Podemos but instead fail to say either yes or no - to abstain and allow Mariano Rajoy's continuance. Confidence is arguably ebbing from both camps: a party, PSOE, in disarray, its one-time confidence, hewn from a total of more than twenty years of democratic government, a fading memory.

The Balearic government has a crisis of confidence. Its leading figures make confident statements yet are prone to vacillation. The public is not confident in knowing who genuinely governs or what is being governed. A victim of an unconfident, enfeebled PSOE that cast around for lifelines, it is being strangled by these very ropes.

Segura and Amengual are minor characters in this drama. They are ones of whom the public would have known little and in whom the public would have had little interest. Thrown into the limelight these past days, they are now known and they are now no more. Both represent sides of the opaque coin of transparency and accountability. The virtuous state of this T and A should supposedly rise above all else in this era of so-called government of change. But it does not.

Lluís Segura, a legal man rather than politician, fell foul of politics. He made the wrong political decision. To drop a case for money laundering against the arch enemy of governmental T and A, the endlessly corrupt Jaume Matas, was a sin. Confidence lost, stripped away, sacked. Podemos want to call him to account, to appear before their baying ranks in parliament and explain this sin. His protectors in PSOE, for whom it was expedient that confidence in him should be seen to have been lost, say that if one civil servant is forced to appear before parliament, then where will it end.

Maybe so or maybe Segura might say something that PSOE find uncomfortable. His Attorney's Office is in direct line of charge by the ministry for the presidency and therefore the relevant minister, Pilar Costa (also government spokesperson), and the president herself. They insist they knew nothing of Segura's decision. If they did not, then he had acted with over-confidence. He was, like Big Sam, either naive or just stupid. Let Matas off the hook in the current atmosphere, and the wolf pack would gather. It did, and he has been eaten.

It is, though, reasonable to require an explanation. There may well have been very good reasons for the decision. These, however, are abandoned in the skirmishing that undermines this government. Podemos and Més insist, PSOE must accede. Confidence lost. Or confidence, hopefully, semi-retained.

Then there is Amengual. Her political master was the environment minister, Vicenç Vidal, a man from Més. She was sacked because there was the need for a new direction, for someone more technical and communicative. She had done well, said Vidal, but the message was loss of confidence. She can't have been doing well, if confidence had been lost. The message was thus mixed. Why had she really been sacked?

Despite the claims of T and A - transparency and accountability - there is mystery that obscures the function and purpose of senior officials like Segura and Amengual. How they come to be appointed in the first place. Who is doing the appointing. What they are doing. Some of these officials come and go. The tourism ministry lost a director of the tourism agency - "personal reasons" that were supposedly a better job - who was replaced by a friend but also one-time sparring partner of Biel Barceló. There was and is the director of the health service, famously the husband of the health minister. Podemos have never forgotten that.

Greater transparency, as Podemos have urged, is needed for appointments, but it is also needed in explaining why confidence is lost and why someone else is then appointed.


Index for September 2016

Anarchists and tourism - 19 September 2016
Architectural harmony - 9 September 2016
Balearic community - 22 September 2016
Balearic government condition - 23 September 2016, 25 September 2016
Balearic government logo - 14 September 2016
Cabrera organisation and management - 13 September 2016
Cala Millor - 26 September 2016
Confidence in government - 30 September 2016
Cultural tourism - 17 September 2016
Formentor Conversations - 15 September 2016
Francina Armengol and attic - 6 September 2016
Holiday rentals legislation - 3 September 2016
Inca tourism - 2 September 2016
Ironman, Alcudia - 24 September 2016
Jaume Matas and Son Espases Hospital - 16 September 2016
La Beata and pot-smashing - 4 September 2016
Mallorca Day - 11 September 2016
Mallorca's Roman occupation - 18 September 2016
Podemos and tourism - 1 September 2016
Posidonia and recreational yachts - 7 September 2016
PSOE and national government - 27 September 2016
Rajoy investiture debates - 5 September 2016
Real Mallorca / tourist saturation - 12 September 2016
Sustainable tourism - 28 September 2016
Tourist places limits - 10 September 2016, 20 September 2016, 21 September 2016
Tourist prizes - 28 September 2016
Virtual tourism - 8 September 2016

Spinning For All It's Worth: Corruption

There are things that are always with us. In Spain, at any rate. Like the poor, there are the corrupt. Of the latter, perhaps we had been lulled into the falseness of belief that the well had been run dry and that the bucket had lifted all that remained and had deposited it either at His Majesty's Pleasure or onto the blue conference chairs of the defendants at Palma's School of Public Administration. If not Nóos, there are other legends of public life demanding judgement in various corners of the land.

The fact is that the well seems only to have been tapped. There is no drought here, and had there been any thoughts that there was, they have been dismissed. Here comes another hurricane. First, there was Acuamed. "We build the future of water." This is its slogan. While anxiety grows about a future of water scarcity, this government agency for public water works finds itself in the eye of the storm. Embraced in this affair are contracts that FCC had with the ministry for agriculture, food and environment. Bill Gates might be wondering about his shareholding, though the period under investigation does pre-date his acquisition of almost 6% of the stock.

If there is any solace for Mariano Rajoy, it will lie with the fact that the Acuamed affair seems to more or less correspond with the period when PSOE were in government. He can breathe a certain sigh of relief. But no sooner had Acuamed been sprung from the well, than along came "Taula". The table case in Valencia, so it is being said, might finally shed light on unknowns and mysteries surrounding irregular funding of the Partido Popular. It's appropriate that it should be Valencia, one half of the PP's nexus of alleged irregularities, separated by the seas of some 250 kilometres from these shores. Rajoy might be able to assign responsibility for Acuamed elsewhere. With Taula he cannot.

These latest affairs do not make it any easier for Rajoy to form the next government. He has said as much. But his latest offer to PSOE, one by which Podemos would be marginalised, can be seen as despicable. For all its faults, a central principle of Podemos is its stance against corruption (as is also the case with Ciudadanos). Rajoy is neglecting this. The public might not.

If the latest scandals weren't enough, the acting premier would have been aware of the latest report from Transparency International. Ranking the perception of corruption, country by country, as it does each year, Spain has registered its worst performance ever. It has slipped another place - to 36 out of a total of 168 countries - with its score having dropped six points since 2012, the period of the Rajoy administration.

The report does not suggest that there is systemic corruption. Nor does it say that there has been more corruption as such. It measures the perception of corruption, and in this regard the various cases surrounding public procurement are key: they are at the heart of the Acuamed affair, just as they are with Nóos, Palma Arena and Son Espases. It also observes, however, that such cases were more likely to have arisen during periods of good economic times when there was plenty of cash to be potentially diverted. Rajoy has presided over austerity, so maybe this, as much as any initiatives the government and the PP might claim to have instituted, has been a factor in any decline in corruption.

The PP, fighting to hold back the hurricane being unleashed by the latest affairs, points to a different report which suggests that it is the most transparent of all political parties in Spain. This comes from something called Dyntra, the Dynamic Transparency Index, which measures public information and so transparency. While Dyntra might give the PP a boost for what it has done over the past four years, the much wider report from Transparency International does not. It suggests, for example, that the government's law on transparency leaves much to be desired. A comprehensive programme to combat corruption is required. The PP will argue, as it is in order to give it any chance of clinging to power, that it has been "relentless" in tacking corruption over the past four years. Its relentlessness would not match that of Podemos, though. Comprehensiveness would come from parties other than the PP (or PSOE). Yet here is the PP trying to squeeze out the party which a significant part of the electorate supported for its anti-corruption principles.

While the PP will be spinning for all it's worth as it seeks to hang on, there has been a pathetic image that cuts deep. It is of María del Carmen García-Fuster, until now in charge of the treasury of the PP in the city of Valencia. She is in the back of a car, scared, frightened. The fates have caught up. Eventually, they do.

The Politics Of Opacity: Spain's transparency bill

When he became mayor of Pollensa, Tomeu Cifre vowed that there would be greater transparency in respect of town hall affairs. The demand for increased transparency had grown during the time of the previous administration when  numerous issues cropped up that required explanation but were rarely if ever explained. The most vocal opposition party which led the call for greater transparency was the Alternativa per Pollença. Prior to the local election at which Cifre became mayor, the Alternativa had raised a motion which proposed a system of greater transparency at the town hall. The council rejected the motion. Among those who abstained in the vote were councillors from the mayor's party, the Partido Popular. The motion has never been revisited. Indeed, and despite the mayor's apparent conversion to the principle of transparency during the election period, accusations of a lack of transparency in Pollensa have dogged his administration.

It is unfair to single out Mayor Cifre or Pollensa town hall. Lack of transparency is everywhere in government - municipal, provincial, regional, national. It is the culture of government in Mallorca and the culture of government in Spain.

There are examples of transparency, such as Alcúdia posting detailed information regarding its financial position and certain procedures on the internet, but a degree is needed to interpret much of it. Town halls typically have councillors responsible for "citizenship and participation", but knowing exactly what participation means isn't always clear. It isn't transparent. It never is.

The culture of secrecy in public administration begins at the top of government and filters down to all levels. There is no freedom of information, there is no set of rules for good governance. Spain is known as being one of the most secretive if not the most secretive democracies in Europe. Though the juxtaposition of secretive with democracies is all but an oxymoron, it isn't wrong.

This secretiveness may be about to be broken down. Spain's transparency law has been following the tortuous path that typically has to be travelled in its parliament. Finally, it has come before the Senate. So, who knows how much longer it might all take. Its provisions, one is led to believe, include the release of reports that form the basis of drafts of legislation. There is to be a commission to oversee transparency with its president being elected by parliament and with its membership comprising representatives from bodies such as the data protection agency and the fiscal responsibility authority.

Which is all good stuff, one supposes. It's better than nothing and it may prove to be the first step in creating a political atmosphere and culture which isn't as prone as it is to keeping mum.

The secretiveness that exists equates not just to a lack of transparency but also to accountability and communicativeness. Prime Minister Rajoy is a classic example. Reticence may be excused on account of shyness but it might also be the product of something else. The very top of government should take the lead in bringing about an amelioration of this historical cultural secretiveness, but when the party at the top of government manages to wipe the hard discs of its former, incarcerated and accusatory former treasurer, one does have to wonder whether it is capable of doing so. 

But perhaps one is being too harsh on politicians. The Economy Circle of the great and good from Mallorca's business and professional worlds last year issued a report into the nature of democracy as it is practised in the Balearics. It made for uncomfortable reading. Lack of transparency and bad examples set by political parties (and these, where party funding is concerned, occur across Spain) were highlighted but so also was an apathy on behalf of society in general. In other words, society shrugs its shoulders or doesn't much care or just behaves in the same way as politicians do - not very well.

Will this transparency bill be any more than simply an exercise in paying lip-service to freedom of information? Possibly it will be and even its basic provisions should, one would hope, give grounds for believing that governments might actually explain things for once. We have a good example occurring right now in Mallorca where information would be useful. What, I would like to know, do the reports and research by the regional government into the introduction of trilingual teaching contain? Who drew them up? What was said about the time frame for implementation?  

There again, it is all very well demanding transparency and information, but if there are no reports or research then there isn't much point.

Biter Bit: The PP and corruption

The national government of the Partido Popular is trying its hardest not to appear to be squirming, but squirming is what it should be doing. Members of this government, such as the man in charge of finance, Cristóbal Montoro, and the party's general secretary, María Dolores de Cospedal, had been to the fore in attacking the Catalonian president, Artur Mas, over allegations that he had money stashed away in Swiss bank accounts. These allegations were contained in a report that apparently emanated from police sources, yet the report was one that not even the national interior ministry was aware of. They are allegations that were seemingly without foundation, yet the PP hierarchy, sensing a means of discrediting Mas, latched onto them. They now find themselves with an accusation uncomfortably closer to home - one of secret Swiss bank accounts in the name of former party treasurer, Luis Bárcenas. It is more than an accusation. As part of the ongoing corruption investigation known as "caso Gürtel" (all about kickbacks for contracts), a court has revealed that Bárcenas had an account with as much as 22 million euros in it.

This is only part of the story. When Bárcenas first came under suspicion, the money was moved from the account. At that time, leading figures in the party, including the now prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, were proclaiming Bárcenas' innocence. These leading figures are now attempting to distance themselves from Bárcenas by arguing that he is no longer the party treasurer and is indeed no longer a member of the PP, prompting one source to say that the affair has nothing to do with the PP because of Bárcenas' non-membership.

However, things are rather murkier. "El Mundo" has alleged that Bárcenas was responsible for arranging for illegal payments to members of the party and that these payments were made during the time that José María Aznar was prime minister and have been made during Rajoy's time as leader. In addition, Bárcenas declared only 10 million euros as part of the amnesty that the current government set up under which only 10% of the value of the undeclared assets had to be paid. The government has denied that the amnesty was instigated partly as a way of smoothing the Bárcenas question.

A further problem for the PP hierarchy is the fact that Bárcenas, although no longer a member of the party, remains close to it. So close indeed that he still has has an office at the party's Madrid headquarters and a secretary paid for by the party. Even more of a worry for the PP is that Bárcenas knows where bodies are buried. The affair threatens to become highly damaging to the PP and the current government.

It is not acceptable for the party to wash its hands of the affair by pointing to the fact that Bárcenas is an ex-party member. It is very much a matter for the PP, as, apart from any personal gain that Bárcenas may or may not have benefited from, there is also the question of party funding. He was, after all, the party's treasurer, and the wholly unsatisfactory system of political party funding is once more coming under the spotlight. The lack of transparency and the absence of mechanisms to force parties to declare sources of income conspire to raise suspicions as to what these sources are.

It should be noted that several corruption charges in Mallorca relate to political party funding, most notably that of the former Unió Mallorquina, but also of the PP. That these charges may be historical, in that they date back a few years, do nothing to allay suspicions that corruption, far from being a thing of the past, is still very much alive, despite protestations by both national government and the Balearics regional government that they are getting to grips with it. And against this background, there is now the astonishing decision by President Bauzá's government in the Balearics to modify a law passed just prior to it taking office in 2011 which requires a certain amount of transparency. Modification does not mean tightening but loosening the requirements. It is a staggering decision, one justified on grounds of current "socioeconomic circumstances", whatever they are supposed to be. The opposition allege it is all a manoeuvre to cover Bauzá's business affairs.

The public in Mallorca and in Spain are being asked to make huge sacrifices, but what do they see by way of return? Nothing. No improvements. No jobs. No money. Nothing. Only more cases of corruption. And lack of transparency. The public has had enough. The political system is shot through with corruption. Who will rid us of these turbulent politicians? That's the scary part.


Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.

MALLORCA TODAY - Alcúdia's financial situation shown on town hall website

Alcúdia town hall, with a surplus of 11 million euros, has set out an analysis of its financial situation since 2007 on the municipality's website (http://www.alcudia.net), a development that is quite unusual in it providing some transparency as to town hall financing.

See more: Ultima Hora

Read My Lips: Spanish freedom of information

The first of May 1997 was a glorious spring day, so also was the second of May, its gloriousness only slightly tarnished by tiredness and a hangover. Blair had stormed to victory, a new age beckoned, there was joy throughout the land, but then the storm clouds of government gathered and we came to realise that Blair was not a regular guy but just another fake.

Amidst the detail of the Blair project was that of the freedom of information. It may not have been an element of the pre-election manifesto that had played strongly with the electorate, but it was a vital ingredient in representing Labour as something more than just the "new" adjective with which it had been tagged.

That what eventually became the Freedom Of Information Act was so watered down was the beginning of the end for Blair, and the process towards this dilution came very early on in his premiership. The sacking of David Clark little more than a year into government exposed the sophism of New Labour; for me, it never recovered.

For all this, though, and for better or for worse, the United Kingdom does have freedom of information legislation. Spain, on the other hand, doesn't, and the absence of open access to official records and so on is something that the Rajoy government intends to address.

The so-called Transparency and Good Government Law, due for debate in parliament later this year, is intended to bring Spain more into line with practice in the European Union and elsewhere. Intended to, but almost certainly won't. Spain's reputation as one of the most secretive, if not the most secretive, countries in the developed world is not about to be lost. 

The law, assuming it is eventually passed, paves the way for there being access to information regarding public spending and the financial affairs of public officials, but this is about all it would open up. A Spanish Government spin of the law being a means of countering corruption is just this - spin; freedom of information, Spanish-style, is lip service and nothing more.

Though the UK law unleashed something of a monster that Blair would have preferred hadn't been (he couldn't put the genie back in the bottle completely; not even he was that two-faced), the Spanish law won't make whole rafts of information available to the public and in particular journalists. Nor will it allow for requests. Despite a constitutional commitment to freedom of speech, Spanish journalism is constrained by unwritten as well as some written rules that limit this as well as by the sheer secrecy of Spanish public life.

The law as it is outlined is already somewhat irrelevant. Publication of personal financial details by politicians already occurs, while information regarding contracts can be found on some websites, even those of local authorities. To describe the law as transparent is to be ignorant of what the word should imply, and the lack of transparency in public affairs has been a theme for some time and right down to the micro level of the town halls. Pollensa was and remains a good example. Transparency was an issue at the municipal election and still is an issue.

Information and transparency at local authority level are meant to have improved, but once again they are paid lip service to more than they are actualised. Citizen participation groups, under the auspices of town halls, and the creation of local associations of agitating residents which aren't under town-hall control have failed or been unable to create greater openness.

But why is there such apparent secrecy in Spain when there isn't elsewhere (or when there is less of it)? Partly it is a consequence of lingering suspicion of what democracy entails. This is a country that is still trying to figure this out, nearly forty years on. And in a land where religion continues to play a significant if diminished role, it gives succour to suspicion as suspicion is religion's fellow traveller. For the church and organisations associated with it, such as Opus Dei, the last thing they want is freedom of information.

Partly it stems also from the fact that there were (and are) good reasons to keep things hidden, and Lord alone knows how many other corruption skeletons are residing in the cupboards that various parties, and not just political parties, would prefer remained there, not to be uninterred by a press that is partially emasculated by conspiracies of obfuscation and silence.

The new law will pay lip service to freedom of information, lip service offered by the reading of Rajoy's lips - you want information, well you won't get it. (And where is this adapted line borrowed from?)


Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.