"We have an obligation to put order into the tourist offer, the sector and coexistence. These concepts are very clear in, for example, municipality's urban plans."
This quote, translated pretty much literally, disguises - thanks to Spanish usage - the target for this "order". The tourist offer means accommodation, and specifically rented accommodation. The sector is the business of this accommodation. The coexistence is the balance between tourists and residents. The words were spoken not by a Balearic politician but by the director-general for tourism in Extremadura, a region hardly noted for its mass tourism and one without any "sun and beach". There's plenty of sun, very hot sun at that, but Extremadura's tourism is predicated on beach alternatives - the reason why it doesn't have mass tourism.
Francisco Martín Simón, the director-general, explains that the obligation extends to fighting unfair competition that undermines businesses which pay taxes and create jobs. In the region of Castile and León, likewise without any beach tourism, his counterpart speaks of tackling the problem through inspection, agreements with town halls, information and a "register of transgressors". She, Blanca Arévalo, was participating in a conference on interior tourism along with other regional representatives. The messages were basically the same in fighting illegal accommodation.
In Extremadura there are said to be 608 illegal holiday rentals. This is for a region which covers almost 42,000 square kilometres. Mallorca's land size is less than one tenth of this - 3,640 square kilometres. The total land area of the Balearics only barely manages to be above one tenth (it's just under 5,000 square kilometres). The islands' official resident population is almost identical to that of Extremadura.
In terms of tourism, one isn't by any stretch of the imagination comparing like with like. But in population terms one is. The density of population in the Balearics is massive even without tourists adding to it. The 608 illegal rentals in Extremadura are a drop in the Balearic Sea by comparison. You could count that many just by spending an afternoon walking around parts of resorts in Mallorca.
The exact number for Mallorca and the Balearics is hard to know, given the conflicting figures that are issued; or at least were before the rentals' legislation began to have a real impact. Earlier this year, though, the number of properties in the Balearics on Airbnb was 22,000. On HomeAway it was 24,000. Many of these will probably have been duplicates and certainly not all will have been illegal, but even Aptur, the association for holiday rentals, was recognising the scale - more than 40,000 apartments being rented out in an illegal manner, it reported in May this year. Extremadura is roughly ten times the size of the Balearics; the number of illegal rentals in the Balearics wasn't ten times the number in Extremadura, it was heading towards one hundred times as many.
In Castile and León, more than twice the size of Extremadura and with a regular population just over 100% greater, they haven't been able to come up with an exact figure of illegal rentals, but an estimate offered in May this year suggested some 2,000: one for every 1,200 people in the region. In the Balearics the ratio was around one for every 27. The regional government there has introduced fines of up to 90,000 euros, and that is the maximum for individuals, more than twice the Balearic maximum.
Andalusia was also represented at the conference. It does of course have very significant sun-and-beach tourism. It also has a vast interior. The approach in that region has been to enable legal registration. More than 20,000 properties were registered within the first ten months of the law coming into force in 2016. It is reckoned that there were at least 80,000 illegal properties, but even having introduced a relatively permissive regime (not totally unlike Catalonia), the number isn't going down markedly. In Andalusia, where the maximum fine can be as high as 150,000 euros, they want the state to step in, convinced that only national law, and a harmonised one at that, can really get to the bottom of the matter.
Whatever one thinks about the Balearic legislation, the fact is that the Balearics most certainly isn't alone in addressing the rentals' question. Whatever the motive for adopting legislation - to deal with tax fraud, the underground economy, unfair competition, pressures on housing, "saturation" and coexistence - the regions of Spain are all confronted with the issues. When one makes a comparison between two extremes (tourism in the Balearics and Extremadura), one can see how just much pressure there is in the Balearics. But Extremadura, as with Castile and León, Andalusia and other regions, share one undeniable factor in common - the Airbnb effect.
The Balearic government, rightly or wrongly, is castigated for its legislation, but the government, like other regions, is legislating against symptoms. It isn't the cause.
Showing posts with label Extremadura. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Extremadura. Show all posts
Thursday, November 02, 2017
Wednesday, September 02, 2015
From Banbury Cross To Extremadura
Extremadura is a region of Spain north of Andalusia that nestles next to Portugal. The name comes from "extremo", the generally accepted view being that it was the land furthest from Castile and Leon at the time of the re-conquest and so the furthest but also first line of defence against the Islamic occupation. It is at the extremity of Spain, which implies a certain remoteness and distance, and, more than just geographically, it is. This is a land which is one of the poorest regions of Spain. Its population is roughly similar to that of the Balearic Islands (around 1.1 million), yet its area is vastly greater. Its economy is predominantly services based and great strides are being made to develop its tourism - it is actually one of the more innovative and proactive regions of Spain in this regard. But it is also agricultural, known for the production of tobacco and charcuterie. And its farmers have found themselves in the middle of one almighty great political spat.
Miquel Ensenyat, the president of the Council of Mallorca, was born in Banbury. It is unlikely that the infant Miquel ever became familiar with the competing versions of the Banbury Cross rhyme, but had he, then he would have known the one involving Tommy buying a penny white loaf, a penny white cake and a two-penny apple pie. In the rural Oxfordshire of the eighteenth century, they wouldn't have been reliant on handouts through a redistributive system of tax income, but were the rhyme to be updated and placed in a Spanish context, Tommy would be buying his penny white loaf with a penny derived from Balearic tax revenue, and Tommy, moreover, would have relocated: to Extremadura.
While the children of the Balearics go to school with colouring crayons of thirty-year vintage, the children of Extremadura arrive at their schools with brand new tablets. This was an observation made by Miquel in an interview for "El Mundo" which has blown up in to that almighty great spat. A further one had to do with the farmers of Extremadura. They get paid salaries so that they can go and sit in a bar. This was not an original observation, as some years ago the leader of the UDC (Catalonia Democratic Union), Josep Antoni Duran, had said this of the Extremaduran farmers.
In one respect, drawing on a remark by Duran, might seem odd. The UDC is not what you would call left-wing, unlike Miquel and his party (Més, aka the PSM, Mallorcan Socialists), but the UDC is a Catalonian nationalist party, and it is this nationalism which forms part of the row and the exchanges of opinion between Ensenyat and the PSOE president of Extremadura, Guillermo Fernández Vara, to which have been added the views of any number of other politicians, both in the Balearics and Extremadura.
The spokesperson for the Extremadura government, Isabel Gil Rosiña, has referred to the creation of "unnecessary tensions" raised by people who want to "separate", by which she means nationalism and independence - Catalonian independence, something which Ensenyat favours, as he also favours a political federation of the Catalan Lands of which the Balearics would be a part.
At the heart of all of this, as it has been for years and so since Duran made his original remark about the Extremadura farmers, is money. Nationalism aside, it is the system of financing which is what Ensenyat was referring to, one under which the Balearics (and Catalonia) end up in effect subsidising regions of Spain such as Extremadura. The Balearics, with an almost identical population, raises vastly more in revenues than Extremadura does.
Vara, for his part, says that the children's tablets are not paid for with Balearic money but with the region's own finances, part of which come from the fact that, for all that it isn't that wealthy, it creates more energy than it needs. It benefits from the tax pot, but it gives back in a different way. Regardless of this and regardless also of nationalism, the system of regional financing is one that generates considerable heat, which is why President Armengol is so keen to pursue a better deal from Mariano Rajoy.
Armengol and PSOE have been embarrassed by Ensenyat's comments, though they are saying very little about them. Biel Barceló of Més has said they were "unfortunate" but prefers to attach the blame to Madrid. The people of Extremadura and the Balearics are not responsible for conflict or disputes over financing, Madrid is.
The fallout from the spat is unlikely to claim Ensenyat, although Xavier Pericay of the anti-nationalist Ciudadanos has said that he should resign. Jesus Jurado of Podemos, represented at the Council of Mallorca, has been equivocal in his support of Ensenyat, but he says of him that he doesn't mince his words. Perhaps not, but sometimes they might be chosen with greater care.
Miquel Ensenyat, the president of the Council of Mallorca, was born in Banbury. It is unlikely that the infant Miquel ever became familiar with the competing versions of the Banbury Cross rhyme, but had he, then he would have known the one involving Tommy buying a penny white loaf, a penny white cake and a two-penny apple pie. In the rural Oxfordshire of the eighteenth century, they wouldn't have been reliant on handouts through a redistributive system of tax income, but were the rhyme to be updated and placed in a Spanish context, Tommy would be buying his penny white loaf with a penny derived from Balearic tax revenue, and Tommy, moreover, would have relocated: to Extremadura.
While the children of the Balearics go to school with colouring crayons of thirty-year vintage, the children of Extremadura arrive at their schools with brand new tablets. This was an observation made by Miquel in an interview for "El Mundo" which has blown up in to that almighty great spat. A further one had to do with the farmers of Extremadura. They get paid salaries so that they can go and sit in a bar. This was not an original observation, as some years ago the leader of the UDC (Catalonia Democratic Union), Josep Antoni Duran, had said this of the Extremaduran farmers.
In one respect, drawing on a remark by Duran, might seem odd. The UDC is not what you would call left-wing, unlike Miquel and his party (Més, aka the PSM, Mallorcan Socialists), but the UDC is a Catalonian nationalist party, and it is this nationalism which forms part of the row and the exchanges of opinion between Ensenyat and the PSOE president of Extremadura, Guillermo Fernández Vara, to which have been added the views of any number of other politicians, both in the Balearics and Extremadura.
The spokesperson for the Extremadura government, Isabel Gil Rosiña, has referred to the creation of "unnecessary tensions" raised by people who want to "separate", by which she means nationalism and independence - Catalonian independence, something which Ensenyat favours, as he also favours a political federation of the Catalan Lands of which the Balearics would be a part.
At the heart of all of this, as it has been for years and so since Duran made his original remark about the Extremadura farmers, is money. Nationalism aside, it is the system of financing which is what Ensenyat was referring to, one under which the Balearics (and Catalonia) end up in effect subsidising regions of Spain such as Extremadura. The Balearics, with an almost identical population, raises vastly more in revenues than Extremadura does.
Vara, for his part, says that the children's tablets are not paid for with Balearic money but with the region's own finances, part of which come from the fact that, for all that it isn't that wealthy, it creates more energy than it needs. It benefits from the tax pot, but it gives back in a different way. Regardless of this and regardless also of nationalism, the system of regional financing is one that generates considerable heat, which is why President Armengol is so keen to pursue a better deal from Mariano Rajoy.
Armengol and PSOE have been embarrassed by Ensenyat's comments, though they are saying very little about them. Biel Barceló of Més has said they were "unfortunate" but prefers to attach the blame to Madrid. The people of Extremadura and the Balearics are not responsible for conflict or disputes over financing, Madrid is.
The fallout from the spat is unlikely to claim Ensenyat, although Xavier Pericay of the anti-nationalist Ciudadanos has said that he should resign. Jesus Jurado of Podemos, represented at the Council of Mallorca, has been equivocal in his support of Ensenyat, but he says of him that he doesn't mince his words. Perhaps not, but sometimes they might be chosen with greater care.
Monday, January 20, 2014
Extreme Tourism Promotion: Extremadura
Extremadura is the fifth largest region of Spain. It is also one of the poorest regions and has been hit particularly hard by the depression in the construction industry. Its unemployment rate is said to be 33%, higher therefore than the official national average (one says official, because there is always a caveat when it comes to unofficial employment, namely the black economy). This caveat notwithstanding, things in Extremadura are definitely tougher than most of the rest of Spain, and they might just get tougher if its public sector were to be trimmed back; it accounts for a third of what employment there is in the region.
The reliance on the public sector and on construction makes Extremadura a case example of what is inherently wrong with Spain's economy as a whole but it also emphasises, where the public sector is concerned, a Catch-22: cut public-sector employment significantly, unemployment goes up and there is little by way of an alternative. Unless, that is, there is some form of attitudinal and cultural change; the question being, though, to what.
For other parts of Spain there is always the get-out clause which is tourism. But Extremadura does not have a vast tourism industry. Landlocked, in 2012 it attracted slightly more than 200,000 foreign tourists in 2012. It's not even peanuts. As a region, though, it does have some things going for it. There are World Heritage sites, such as the monastery of Santa María de Guadalupe, and it is a region famed for the gastronomy of "jamón ibérico".
The tourism numbers in Extremadura are swelled by Spanish visitors to nearly 1.5 million, but it is foreign tourism that the region needs badly. What it gets at present is skewed in favour of Portuguese visitors, the largest tourism market, with the French, the British and the Germans trailing these. Consequently, a strategic effort to attract more foreign tourism has been put in place, with nature, gastronomy and culture very much part of this strategy (as you might expect). The region is strengthening its efforts to bring in French tourism and is eyeing up the American and Scandinavian markets; unlike the Balearics, the number of Scandinavians visiting Extremadura is negligible.
A comparison with the Balearics is impossible to make, except in one possible way: the amount of money that is being spent on tourism promotion. The Balearics budget for 2014 is less than three million euros. Extremadura's is, get this, just under 25 million euros.
If Extremadura might be a region of Spain which is not that well-known, Madrid would not be. This is the Community of Madrid and so not just the city. It suffered a major fall in its tourism last summer. In August it was down by more than 20%, and this was foreign tourism. Madrid, clearly, suffers from the same disadvantage as Extremadura in being landlocked, but it has very much stronger advantages in terms of international awareness and a diversity in the tourism offer. Despite this, it experienced its fall in tourism numbers, one that came as a genuine shock.
In an attempt to plough back this lost market, Madrid is increasing its tourism promotion budget. In 2014 it will be up by a whopping 68% to 12.4 million euros; only half of what Extremadura is planning on spending but still considerably greater than the Balearics.
One looks at these figures for tourism promotion and wonders how it can be that the Balearics, with the enormous tourism industry it has, can spend so little. But though there is vast difference in the spend, there is also a vast difference in tourist awareness. No one has ever heard of Extremadura. Everyone has heard of the individual Balearic Islands.
This said, everyone has heard of Madrid and everyone has heard of Catalonia - its Costas and Barcelona certainly. And Catalonia doesn't have the disadvantage of being landlocked. It attracts more tourists than the Balearics and it will be spending more than Extremadura and Madrid put together in 2014, thanks in no small part to revenues from its tourist tax.
The circumstances, though, are different. For Extremadura, a virtual economic basket case of a region, it is a case of needs must. It needs any economic activity it can lay its hands on, so the 25 million is probably a wise investment. For Madrid, there was the shock of the decline last summer. For Catalonia, there is the windfall that has come from the tax. So, is it fair to compare these budgets with that of the Balearics?
Mallorca and the other islands do, certainly in summer, pretty much sell themselves, but this shouldn't be an excuse for neglecting promotion. Even if promotion is designed to keep the islands at the "front of mind" of tourists who are very familiar with them anyway, then it is promotion worth doing and worth spending money on.
The reliance on the public sector and on construction makes Extremadura a case example of what is inherently wrong with Spain's economy as a whole but it also emphasises, where the public sector is concerned, a Catch-22: cut public-sector employment significantly, unemployment goes up and there is little by way of an alternative. Unless, that is, there is some form of attitudinal and cultural change; the question being, though, to what.
For other parts of Spain there is always the get-out clause which is tourism. But Extremadura does not have a vast tourism industry. Landlocked, in 2012 it attracted slightly more than 200,000 foreign tourists in 2012. It's not even peanuts. As a region, though, it does have some things going for it. There are World Heritage sites, such as the monastery of Santa María de Guadalupe, and it is a region famed for the gastronomy of "jamón ibérico".
The tourism numbers in Extremadura are swelled by Spanish visitors to nearly 1.5 million, but it is foreign tourism that the region needs badly. What it gets at present is skewed in favour of Portuguese visitors, the largest tourism market, with the French, the British and the Germans trailing these. Consequently, a strategic effort to attract more foreign tourism has been put in place, with nature, gastronomy and culture very much part of this strategy (as you might expect). The region is strengthening its efforts to bring in French tourism and is eyeing up the American and Scandinavian markets; unlike the Balearics, the number of Scandinavians visiting Extremadura is negligible.
A comparison with the Balearics is impossible to make, except in one possible way: the amount of money that is being spent on tourism promotion. The Balearics budget for 2014 is less than three million euros. Extremadura's is, get this, just under 25 million euros.
If Extremadura might be a region of Spain which is not that well-known, Madrid would not be. This is the Community of Madrid and so not just the city. It suffered a major fall in its tourism last summer. In August it was down by more than 20%, and this was foreign tourism. Madrid, clearly, suffers from the same disadvantage as Extremadura in being landlocked, but it has very much stronger advantages in terms of international awareness and a diversity in the tourism offer. Despite this, it experienced its fall in tourism numbers, one that came as a genuine shock.
In an attempt to plough back this lost market, Madrid is increasing its tourism promotion budget. In 2014 it will be up by a whopping 68% to 12.4 million euros; only half of what Extremadura is planning on spending but still considerably greater than the Balearics.
One looks at these figures for tourism promotion and wonders how it can be that the Balearics, with the enormous tourism industry it has, can spend so little. But though there is vast difference in the spend, there is also a vast difference in tourist awareness. No one has ever heard of Extremadura. Everyone has heard of the individual Balearic Islands.
This said, everyone has heard of Madrid and everyone has heard of Catalonia - its Costas and Barcelona certainly. And Catalonia doesn't have the disadvantage of being landlocked. It attracts more tourists than the Balearics and it will be spending more than Extremadura and Madrid put together in 2014, thanks in no small part to revenues from its tourist tax.
The circumstances, though, are different. For Extremadura, a virtual economic basket case of a region, it is a case of needs must. It needs any economic activity it can lay its hands on, so the 25 million is probably a wise investment. For Madrid, there was the shock of the decline last summer. For Catalonia, there is the windfall that has come from the tax. So, is it fair to compare these budgets with that of the Balearics?
Mallorca and the other islands do, certainly in summer, pretty much sell themselves, but this shouldn't be an excuse for neglecting promotion. Even if promotion is designed to keep the islands at the "front of mind" of tourists who are very familiar with them anyway, then it is promotion worth doing and worth spending money on.
Monday, July 08, 2013
Orchestral Sponsorships In The Dark
"El Economista" is, as the name implies, a Spanish finance and economics newspaper. It is a financial publication for a contemporary Spain of greater dynamism and innovation and one which espouses principles of privatisation and the free market. And in line with its agenda, it takes issue with certain shibboleths that might once have been taken as true but which, since 2008, have been shown to be manifestly untrue.
One of these has been spending by regional governments. This is hardly an unknown theme nowadays either in the Spanish or the international press. What may be less known is the degree to which this spending affected so many areas of life and became profligate. The old truth was that this spending was good, including spending on culture, until one day everyone woke up to the fact that this old truth wasn't necessarily wholly truthful.
In December last year, "El Economista" asked whether Spain was a nation of music lovers or whether its music was a further example of regional profligacy. It was referring in particular to orchestras. Were 27 professional symphony orchestras across Spain too many? It identified Andalusia as the region with the most orchestras. (Actually, when you throw in youth orchestras as well, Madrid and Catalonia have more.) It spoke about rivalries in Galicia that had led to millions being lavished on the orchestras of La Coruña and Santiago de Compostela. Orchestras across the country were seen as fulfilling roles as cultural ambassadors but they were coming at a high price; the cost of rivalries and of vanities in many regions.
In Extremadura, a region considered to be Spain's poorest, the orchestra there had acquired a debt of a million euros by the middle of last year, and this debt was set to rise to almost three million. Around the same time as "El Economista" was highlighting orchestral profligacy, the "Arts Journal" website ran a poll to identify the best and worst orchestras of 2012. The moderators of the poll decided to exclude all votes it had received from Extremadura (voting had been conducted mainly through social media). The reason for excluding them was because a campaign had been launched to try and ensure that the orchestra, which by then was looking as though it might be axed, would get a healthy vote.
What happened was of course what you can expect from votes through social media. A result that was totally skewed and totally unrepresentative. The Extremadura orchestra still managed to scrape into the top six (they couldn't just exclude all the votes), but it was slightly out of place alongside the likes of the Los Angeles Philharmonic.
The support given to Extremadura's orchestra can be interpreted in different ways. It was either a statement of regional pride or it was a statement of self-interest. Whatever it was, at least people felt strongly enough to galvanise themselves into conducting a campaign to help head off the possible closure of the orchestra.
And people do, quite naturally, feel strongly. The same can be said for the Balearics Symphony Orchestra (BSO), one which, interestingly, "El Economista" excluded from its profligacy roll of dishonour. It didn't even mention it, and nor did it mention Tenerife's orchestra which, and so not necessarily like Extremadura's, is considered to be a particularly fine orchestra.
If 27 orchestras are thought to be too many and were there to be a rationalisation of them, then two which should escape elimination under rationalisation would be those in the Balearics and Tenerife (there is also an orchestra in Gran Canaria). Location alone would make them far less dispensable than others. But rationalisation would be nigh on impossible because of the regional nature of the orchestras. In the Balearics, the three-headed foundation with which the BSO is associated - the regional government, the Council of Mallorca and Palma town hall - pulls the strings and might just decide to scrap the orchestra anyway.
Salvation may, however, be at hand. The national Sponsorship Law would, so it is hoped, pave the way for private funding of orchestras and give patrons very significant tax incentives (70% deductible). But the current regional nature of orchestra funding and organisation has given rise to massive discrepancies. The secretary of state for culture has admitted that getting the bill drafted properly is proving to be difficult.
But even were the Sponsorship Law to be passed and were there to therefore be an almost exclusive reliance on the private sector, orchestras' survival could not be guaranteed; orchestras don't come cheap. By the time the law is passed - if it is passed - it might be too late for one particular orchestra.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
One of these has been spending by regional governments. This is hardly an unknown theme nowadays either in the Spanish or the international press. What may be less known is the degree to which this spending affected so many areas of life and became profligate. The old truth was that this spending was good, including spending on culture, until one day everyone woke up to the fact that this old truth wasn't necessarily wholly truthful.
In December last year, "El Economista" asked whether Spain was a nation of music lovers or whether its music was a further example of regional profligacy. It was referring in particular to orchestras. Were 27 professional symphony orchestras across Spain too many? It identified Andalusia as the region with the most orchestras. (Actually, when you throw in youth orchestras as well, Madrid and Catalonia have more.) It spoke about rivalries in Galicia that had led to millions being lavished on the orchestras of La Coruña and Santiago de Compostela. Orchestras across the country were seen as fulfilling roles as cultural ambassadors but they were coming at a high price; the cost of rivalries and of vanities in many regions.
In Extremadura, a region considered to be Spain's poorest, the orchestra there had acquired a debt of a million euros by the middle of last year, and this debt was set to rise to almost three million. Around the same time as "El Economista" was highlighting orchestral profligacy, the "Arts Journal" website ran a poll to identify the best and worst orchestras of 2012. The moderators of the poll decided to exclude all votes it had received from Extremadura (voting had been conducted mainly through social media). The reason for excluding them was because a campaign had been launched to try and ensure that the orchestra, which by then was looking as though it might be axed, would get a healthy vote.
What happened was of course what you can expect from votes through social media. A result that was totally skewed and totally unrepresentative. The Extremadura orchestra still managed to scrape into the top six (they couldn't just exclude all the votes), but it was slightly out of place alongside the likes of the Los Angeles Philharmonic.
The support given to Extremadura's orchestra can be interpreted in different ways. It was either a statement of regional pride or it was a statement of self-interest. Whatever it was, at least people felt strongly enough to galvanise themselves into conducting a campaign to help head off the possible closure of the orchestra.
And people do, quite naturally, feel strongly. The same can be said for the Balearics Symphony Orchestra (BSO), one which, interestingly, "El Economista" excluded from its profligacy roll of dishonour. It didn't even mention it, and nor did it mention Tenerife's orchestra which, and so not necessarily like Extremadura's, is considered to be a particularly fine orchestra.
If 27 orchestras are thought to be too many and were there to be a rationalisation of them, then two which should escape elimination under rationalisation would be those in the Balearics and Tenerife (there is also an orchestra in Gran Canaria). Location alone would make them far less dispensable than others. But rationalisation would be nigh on impossible because of the regional nature of the orchestras. In the Balearics, the three-headed foundation with which the BSO is associated - the regional government, the Council of Mallorca and Palma town hall - pulls the strings and might just decide to scrap the orchestra anyway.
Salvation may, however, be at hand. The national Sponsorship Law would, so it is hoped, pave the way for private funding of orchestras and give patrons very significant tax incentives (70% deductible). But the current regional nature of orchestra funding and organisation has given rise to massive discrepancies. The secretary of state for culture has admitted that getting the bill drafted properly is proving to be difficult.
But even were the Sponsorship Law to be passed and were there to therefore be an almost exclusive reliance on the private sector, orchestras' survival could not be guaranteed; orchestras don't come cheap. By the time the law is passed - if it is passed - it might be too late for one particular orchestra.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
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