Showing posts with label Duke of Palma. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Duke of Palma. Show all posts
Saturday, February 23, 2013
MALLORCA TODAY - Urdangarin denies royal household influence
Thursday, January 24, 2013
MALLORCA TODAY - Urdangarin will testify again in February
Palma can prepare for another day of high media interest when, on 23 February, a year after his first appearance in court, Iñaki Urdangarin (the Duke of Palma) will be asked to declare in front of Judge Castro. The specifics of this appearance relate to alleged fraud committed by the King's son-in-law's Instituto Nóos between 2007 and 2008. Urdangarin's former business partner, Diego Torres, will testify the week before.
See more: Diario de Mallorca
See more: Diario de Mallorca
Tuesday, May 01, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Urdangarin negotiates to stay out of prison
The King's son-in-law, The Duke of Palma, aka Iñaki Urdangarin, is, according to his lawyer, willing to enter a guilty plea to charges with which he has been implicated in return for a sentence of less than two years which, as has occurred under previous precedent, would mean that he would avoid going to prison.
See more: El Mundo
See more: El Mundo
Friday, April 20, 2012
Elephants Never Forget: Annus horribilis
The British royal family never actually apologised for its mishandling of events after Diana's death, but it was shamed into displaying contrition, its misjudgment and its treatment of Blair's "people's princess" laid bare by the words of Diana's brother that cut like ice through the aisles of Westminster Abbey and by the applause which followed them.
1997, though it might well have been, was not The Queen's annus horribilis. This had occurred five years earlier. But 1997 caused the royal family's popularity to sink to its lowest point, all because of protocol and an inability to say sorry.
Royalty doesn't, as a rule, issue apologies. It's why Juan Carlos's apology, in the midst of what is turning out to be, like The Queen, a second annus horribilis in five years, is so unusual. Annus horribilis número uno was marked, among other things, by the separation of the Infanta Elena and the Duke of Lugo. The son of their union, Felipe, provides a link to annus horribilis número dos (AH II); it was he who accidentally took a gun to his foot the other day.
Another embarrassment in 2007 was the publication of the now infamous cartoon in the magazine "El Jueves", which satirised the Crown-Prince Felipe and Princess Letizia. The "El Jueves" cartoon is significant in the context of AH II. It resulted in a trial and fines, the reason being that disrespect had been shown to members of the royal family. AH II is eclipsing AH I in that the gloves are gradually coming off; a press that has been largely cowed by the constraint that it, like "El Jueves", could be accused of disrespect is starting to assert itself. AH I was the year of the scurrilous subversive press; AH II is the year of the mainstream.
The main reason for the Spanish press becoming more assertive in matters of the royal family is Iñaki Urdangarin, the Duke of Palma and The King's son-in-law. It helps that he is a commoner, one supposes, but his affairs, his actions and his appearance in a Palma court have led the press to declare pretty much open season. And not just the press. The people have spoken as well, having chanted, during Republican celebrations last weekend, "Urdangarin, go and work in Burger King". (I'm not entirely sure why they chanted this, but be that as it may.)
The press will continue to stop short of all-out criticism. Perhaps we should be thankful for this. The total absence of respect shown to the British royal family borders at times on the cruel. Even if you are not a monarchist, and I can't say I am, there should be some decorum. Shouldn't there be?
Indeed, where Juan Carlos is concerned, you could describe me as a staunch supporter. In the past I have described him as "totemic". He is, or certainly has been, the means of binding the country together. 1981 and all that shouldn't be forgotten. But The King's strength is also his weakness. It is one most Spaniards would understand and accept. Without Juan Carlos, whither the monarchy? One could say the same about the British royal family and about The Queen, but a difference is that the British royal family has William. The House of Bourbon doesn't have a William, or a Guillermo as the Spanish press is minded to call him.
It is for the very reason that The King has been held in such high esteem that the hunting trip to Botswana has caused such uproar. The King who quelled the coup and became the people's king has let the people down, and he knows it, hence the apology. The sleepless nights he spoke of having because of mass youth unemployment are now being questioned, and the press has even resorted to non-verbal communications experts to assess the sincerity of the apology; it was sincere.
Of course, if it is indeed the case that The King was the guest of a Saudi businessman who is central to a consortium securing a Spanish contract worth almost seven billion euros to build a high-speed rail link, then one might argue what are a few elephants. This is not how it works, though. First Urdangarin, and now a trip to Botswana that would, in all likelihood, not have come to light had it not been for The King's accident. Together, they give power to the Republican argument, PSOE having weighed in and called for abdication.
The chances are the Botswana incident will blow over. But there is still Urdangarin. The press has its teeth into him and into what further may emerge. AH II could yet be even more horribilis.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
1997, though it might well have been, was not The Queen's annus horribilis. This had occurred five years earlier. But 1997 caused the royal family's popularity to sink to its lowest point, all because of protocol and an inability to say sorry.
Royalty doesn't, as a rule, issue apologies. It's why Juan Carlos's apology, in the midst of what is turning out to be, like The Queen, a second annus horribilis in five years, is so unusual. Annus horribilis número uno was marked, among other things, by the separation of the Infanta Elena and the Duke of Lugo. The son of their union, Felipe, provides a link to annus horribilis número dos (AH II); it was he who accidentally took a gun to his foot the other day.
Another embarrassment in 2007 was the publication of the now infamous cartoon in the magazine "El Jueves", which satirised the Crown-Prince Felipe and Princess Letizia. The "El Jueves" cartoon is significant in the context of AH II. It resulted in a trial and fines, the reason being that disrespect had been shown to members of the royal family. AH II is eclipsing AH I in that the gloves are gradually coming off; a press that has been largely cowed by the constraint that it, like "El Jueves", could be accused of disrespect is starting to assert itself. AH I was the year of the scurrilous subversive press; AH II is the year of the mainstream.
The main reason for the Spanish press becoming more assertive in matters of the royal family is Iñaki Urdangarin, the Duke of Palma and The King's son-in-law. It helps that he is a commoner, one supposes, but his affairs, his actions and his appearance in a Palma court have led the press to declare pretty much open season. And not just the press. The people have spoken as well, having chanted, during Republican celebrations last weekend, "Urdangarin, go and work in Burger King". (I'm not entirely sure why they chanted this, but be that as it may.)
The press will continue to stop short of all-out criticism. Perhaps we should be thankful for this. The total absence of respect shown to the British royal family borders at times on the cruel. Even if you are not a monarchist, and I can't say I am, there should be some decorum. Shouldn't there be?
Indeed, where Juan Carlos is concerned, you could describe me as a staunch supporter. In the past I have described him as "totemic". He is, or certainly has been, the means of binding the country together. 1981 and all that shouldn't be forgotten. But The King's strength is also his weakness. It is one most Spaniards would understand and accept. Without Juan Carlos, whither the monarchy? One could say the same about the British royal family and about The Queen, but a difference is that the British royal family has William. The House of Bourbon doesn't have a William, or a Guillermo as the Spanish press is minded to call him.
It is for the very reason that The King has been held in such high esteem that the hunting trip to Botswana has caused such uproar. The King who quelled the coup and became the people's king has let the people down, and he knows it, hence the apology. The sleepless nights he spoke of having because of mass youth unemployment are now being questioned, and the press has even resorted to non-verbal communications experts to assess the sincerity of the apology; it was sincere.
Of course, if it is indeed the case that The King was the guest of a Saudi businessman who is central to a consortium securing a Spanish contract worth almost seven billion euros to build a high-speed rail link, then one might argue what are a few elephants. This is not how it works, though. First Urdangarin, and now a trip to Botswana that would, in all likelihood, not have come to light had it not been for The King's accident. Together, they give power to the Republican argument, PSOE having weighed in and called for abdication.
The chances are the Botswana incident will blow over. But there is still Urdangarin. The press has its teeth into him and into what further may emerge. AH II could yet be even more horribilis.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
Tuesday, March 20, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Urdangarin faces trial
Making life a bit easier than wading through all the Spanish, "El País" has usefully summarised why Iñaki Urdangarin, the Duke of Palma, is due to stand trial on four counts, which include corruption and embezzlement. Charges against Urdangarin form part of the overall "caso Palma Arena" for which, in the first judgement of many, ex-president Jaume Matas has been condemned to six years imprisonment.
See more: El Pais English
See more: El Pais English
Tuesday, March 06, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Princess Cristina will not be indicted
Judge Castro, the presiding judge in the case of the Duke of Palma, has rejected calls for the Duke's wife, Princess Cristina, to be indicted and therefore be required to declare in court. The judge believes that the Princess knew nothing of her husband's activities. The indictment of the Princess had been pressed for by the right-wing union Manos Limpias.
See more: El Mundo
See more: El Mundo
Wednesday, February 29, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - The Duke of Palma had another foundation
Iñaki Urdangarin, the Duke of Palma, may have returned to Washington with Princess Cristina, but this doesn't mean the end of the affair. Anything but. Evidence from his declaration that is filtering out shows that nine months after the King ordered him to disassociate himself from the Instituto Nóos in 2006, another organisation was set up - the Fundación Deporte, Cultura e Integración. This was formed along with the Duke's ex-business partner Diego Torres and totally went against the King's wishes. Prosecutors are looking at whether this foundation effectively headed a network that channelled money to London, Belize and Luxembourg.
Meanwhile, the appearances in court will continue for several weeks and indeed months. Eleven people have been indicted to appear along with 45 witnesses in order to declare before the investigating judge. These include ex-president of the Balearics, Jaume Matas, and former minister, Jaume Font, now leader of the La Lliga party.
Update: The chief prosecutor has ruled out indicting the Duke's wife Princess Cristina, saying that he believes she knew nothing of her husband's affairs.
Meanwhile, the appearances in court will continue for several weeks and indeed months. Eleven people have been indicted to appear along with 45 witnesses in order to declare before the investigating judge. These include ex-president of the Balearics, Jaume Matas, and former minister, Jaume Font, now leader of the La Lliga party.
Update: The chief prosecutor has ruled out indicting the Duke's wife Princess Cristina, saying that he believes she knew nothing of her husband's affairs.
Monday, February 27, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - The Duke of Palma still has questions to answer
Finally, at 01.30 in the morning, the interrogations of the Duke of Palma (Iñaki Urdangarin) came to an end. At 04.15, he left the court, having spent further time revising papers to do with his declaration. The lawyer representing Manos Limpias, the union that had brought a "popular" action against the Duke, did not press for charges to be laid as had been expected.
Judge Castro had made it clear that he did not believe that the marathon proceedings of yesterday were the time for charges to be laid (if they are going to be). The judge, though, may well want the Duke to return to court to make a further declaration, as there were so many evasions in the Duke's responses - he did not know answers or could not remember events.
The Duke's position, that he disassociated himself from the Instituto Nóos in 2006, has become increasingly questionable. In his declaration last week, the former director of sports in the Balearics, Pepote Ballester, suggested that the Duke had not. The Duke has admitted that he phoned Ballester and his former business partner Diego Torres in 2007 regarding the payment of 400,000 euros in respect of the sports forums organised in Mallorca. There is also evidence of email contact between the Duke and Torres in 2008 regarding various projects.
The Duke has looked to make Torres culpable, arguing that Torres robbed him, and has insisted that his wife, Princess Cristina, had nothing to do with Nóos or with the Aizoon real-estate company, other than being a director. Aizoon is one of the many companies that the Duke was associated with which, it is alleged, were used for the diversion of funds.
The royal household had apparently expressed disquiet as to the length of the interrogations of the Duke.
Judge Castro had made it clear that he did not believe that the marathon proceedings of yesterday were the time for charges to be laid (if they are going to be). The judge, though, may well want the Duke to return to court to make a further declaration, as there were so many evasions in the Duke's responses - he did not know answers or could not remember events.
The Duke's position, that he disassociated himself from the Instituto Nóos in 2006, has become increasingly questionable. In his declaration last week, the former director of sports in the Balearics, Pepote Ballester, suggested that the Duke had not. The Duke has admitted that he phoned Ballester and his former business partner Diego Torres in 2007 regarding the payment of 400,000 euros in respect of the sports forums organised in Mallorca. There is also evidence of email contact between the Duke and Torres in 2008 regarding various projects.
The Duke has looked to make Torres culpable, arguing that Torres robbed him, and has insisted that his wife, Princess Cristina, had nothing to do with Nóos or with the Aizoon real-estate company, other than being a director. Aizoon is one of the many companies that the Duke was associated with which, it is alleged, were used for the diversion of funds.
The royal household had apparently expressed disquiet as to the length of the interrogations of the Duke.
The Power To Corrupt
If the Duke of Palma's appearances in court were to have a British parallel, it would be like Vice Admiral Sir Tim Laurence being up before the beak for allegedly fiddling a few invoices, though to be more sportingly accurate, it would be preferable were Captain Mark Phillips in the dock. An Olympic gold medallist, he does share a sporting background with the Duke who, as simple Iñaki Urdangarin, was an Olympic handball medallist.
What do former Olympic medallists with royal connections do once they are no longer participants in their sports? They stay with sport. Captain Mark has gone on to be a successful horsey person. Iñaki has gone on to be a sort of Mr. Fixer for sport of all sorts. Perhaps he should have stuck with handball, the sport he knew.
How has the Duke come to be in a Palma court? Partly, it is because, like many sportspeople, his life remained sport after he had ceased to be a player. The impulse is strong. It is one that makes managers, coaches, pundits and administrators of former players. It, the sport, is all they know. But normally, they stick with the one sport they knew. The Duke became positively Olympian in terms of his sporting interests.
It may have been the Duke's misfortune, or fortune if you prefer, to have sought to carve out a sports marketing career at the same time as Jaume Matas was president of the Balearics. Matas has been exposed as a vain man, one who coveted the company of celebrity (and royalty) and who puffed himself up with grandiose projects or ideas for projects of a sporting nature. The "caso Palma Arena" takes its name from the velodrome. It was just one of Matas' pet schemes. Another was the preposterous idea of staging a grand prix on the streets of Palma.
Making sense of the trail that has led to what has not been a trial but a declaration in front of the judge reveals a whole world of sport that the Duke inhabited. The case against him first surfaced when the judge investigating the "caso Palma Arena" was inclined to consider arrangements between the Fundación Illesport (and IBATUR, the now defunct-because-of-corruption tourism agency) and the Duke's Instituto Nóos that related to international sports forums in Mallorca at the time of Matas' second presidency.
This was not the first time the Duke's institute had dabbled in grand sports gatherings. There had been the Valencia Summit in 2004, an annual sporting debate. There had been the European Games that weren't, also in Valencia, for which initially Nóos was to receive three million euros from the Valencia administration (it came to less than half this). Then there was the Palma Arena itself and an alleged 2.3 million euros from the Matas government to Nóos. And there was advice in respect of Villarreal football club; a ten-page report cost nearly 700,000 euros.
To itemise all the bits of evidence, if only in outline, would take much more than a ten-page report. How much paperwork the prosecutors and the judge have to consider is anyone's guess, as it requires untangling the network of companies with which the Duke was said to have had an association and the movement of funds to the UK, the USA and Belize. The Duke, in his declaration, has intimated that he knew little or nothing of these companies. They were under the management of his former business partner Diego Torres.
Through this network, so it is claimed, contracts from local authorities - the Balearics, Valencia, Alcalá de Henares, Mataró - were turned into subcontracts to companies operated by the Duke and for which unrealistic charges were made and payments sent offshore into tax havens.
The Duke has, however, further intimated that he only got involved with sports matters. Sport is all he knows, one might conclude. Olympic medallist he was, but he also acquired a diploma in business science from the University of Barcelona, is licensed in business management and had gained an MBA from ESADE, one of Spain's leading business schools.
The Duke will discover whether or not he is to face charges. This is why he has been in court; to establish whether there are grounds for formal charges.
Whether charges are laid or not, the Duke's story shows that sport, meant to have the power for good, can just as easily have the power to corrupt. His sporting background was the Olympics, his sporting interests were Olympian in scope, and the Olympics movement itself was once the embodiment of how sport can corrupt.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
What do former Olympic medallists with royal connections do once they are no longer participants in their sports? They stay with sport. Captain Mark has gone on to be a successful horsey person. Iñaki has gone on to be a sort of Mr. Fixer for sport of all sorts. Perhaps he should have stuck with handball, the sport he knew.
How has the Duke come to be in a Palma court? Partly, it is because, like many sportspeople, his life remained sport after he had ceased to be a player. The impulse is strong. It is one that makes managers, coaches, pundits and administrators of former players. It, the sport, is all they know. But normally, they stick with the one sport they knew. The Duke became positively Olympian in terms of his sporting interests.
It may have been the Duke's misfortune, or fortune if you prefer, to have sought to carve out a sports marketing career at the same time as Jaume Matas was president of the Balearics. Matas has been exposed as a vain man, one who coveted the company of celebrity (and royalty) and who puffed himself up with grandiose projects or ideas for projects of a sporting nature. The "caso Palma Arena" takes its name from the velodrome. It was just one of Matas' pet schemes. Another was the preposterous idea of staging a grand prix on the streets of Palma.
Making sense of the trail that has led to what has not been a trial but a declaration in front of the judge reveals a whole world of sport that the Duke inhabited. The case against him first surfaced when the judge investigating the "caso Palma Arena" was inclined to consider arrangements between the Fundación Illesport (and IBATUR, the now defunct-because-of-corruption tourism agency) and the Duke's Instituto Nóos that related to international sports forums in Mallorca at the time of Matas' second presidency.
This was not the first time the Duke's institute had dabbled in grand sports gatherings. There had been the Valencia Summit in 2004, an annual sporting debate. There had been the European Games that weren't, also in Valencia, for which initially Nóos was to receive three million euros from the Valencia administration (it came to less than half this). Then there was the Palma Arena itself and an alleged 2.3 million euros from the Matas government to Nóos. And there was advice in respect of Villarreal football club; a ten-page report cost nearly 700,000 euros.
To itemise all the bits of evidence, if only in outline, would take much more than a ten-page report. How much paperwork the prosecutors and the judge have to consider is anyone's guess, as it requires untangling the network of companies with which the Duke was said to have had an association and the movement of funds to the UK, the USA and Belize. The Duke, in his declaration, has intimated that he knew little or nothing of these companies. They were under the management of his former business partner Diego Torres.
Through this network, so it is claimed, contracts from local authorities - the Balearics, Valencia, Alcalá de Henares, Mataró - were turned into subcontracts to companies operated by the Duke and for which unrealistic charges were made and payments sent offshore into tax havens.
The Duke has, however, further intimated that he only got involved with sports matters. Sport is all he knows, one might conclude. Olympic medallist he was, but he also acquired a diploma in business science from the University of Barcelona, is licensed in business management and had gained an MBA from ESADE, one of Spain's leading business schools.
The Duke will discover whether or not he is to face charges. This is why he has been in court; to establish whether there are grounds for formal charges.
Whether charges are laid or not, the Duke's story shows that sport, meant to have the power for good, can just as easily have the power to corrupt. His sporting background was the Olympics, his sporting interests were Olympian in scope, and the Olympics movement itself was once the embodiment of how sport can corrupt.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
Sunday, February 26, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Duke of Palma in court - day two
After the Lord Mayor's Show, this morning's events outside the court were quite different. It is Sunday morning after all. No more than 20 protesters, and the Duke arrived for the second day of declaration in a more relaxed mood.
The Duke is expected to insist that Princess Cristina had nothing to do with the Instiuto Nóos. Meanwhile, revelations keep emerging, the latest being the apparent existence of false invoices related to the European Games, something the Duke was involved with along with the Valencia regional government, but which didn't take place.
The Duke has said that the alleged contracting of phantom employees at the Instituto Nóos was a matter to do with his ex-business partner Diego Torres. He has admitted that he was involved with a regional government payment of 400,000 euros to the institute in respect of a sports promotional forum held in Mallorca but that the exact amount of payment was not something he controlled. He has continued to insist that he knew nothing about the network of companies with which he was said to be involved. Lunch taken at just after 14:00.
Update: The real-estate company Aizoon, in which Pincess Cristina was a partner, was the sole responsibility of the Duke, he has testified. Money from Nóos, it has been suggested, was diverted to Aizoon.
The judge lost patience at one point with the Duke's evasiveness and inability to remember, suggesting it might have been better had he not come to declare. After some 15 hours of questioning, the judge handed over to the prosecutors at around 17:30.
The Duke has accused Diego Torres of having negotiated contracts with local governments off his own back.
Update (20:30): The proceedings seem to be becoming increasingly absurd. Some lawyers are unhappy that the judge took so long in his questioning, and with others, in addition to the prosecutors, to lodge their questions, it is possible they could all be there into the early morning. How can anyone be expected to give reasonable evidence (or reasonable questions) after such a protracted session? They should call it a day and come back again. Ridiculous.
On and on they go. The judge has indicated that if there is to be an injunction served on the Duke it will not be today. There is also now a suggestion that, because of the evasiveness of the Duke, Princess Cristina may be called to declare. Thankfully, not today or nearly tomorrow. The prosecutors have just about finished their questions. It is now 23:30.
The Duke is expected to insist that Princess Cristina had nothing to do with the Instiuto Nóos. Meanwhile, revelations keep emerging, the latest being the apparent existence of false invoices related to the European Games, something the Duke was involved with along with the Valencia regional government, but which didn't take place.
The Duke has said that the alleged contracting of phantom employees at the Instituto Nóos was a matter to do with his ex-business partner Diego Torres. He has admitted that he was involved with a regional government payment of 400,000 euros to the institute in respect of a sports promotional forum held in Mallorca but that the exact amount of payment was not something he controlled. He has continued to insist that he knew nothing about the network of companies with which he was said to be involved. Lunch taken at just after 14:00.
Update: The real-estate company Aizoon, in which Pincess Cristina was a partner, was the sole responsibility of the Duke, he has testified. Money from Nóos, it has been suggested, was diverted to Aizoon.
The judge lost patience at one point with the Duke's evasiveness and inability to remember, suggesting it might have been better had he not come to declare. After some 15 hours of questioning, the judge handed over to the prosecutors at around 17:30.
The Duke has accused Diego Torres of having negotiated contracts with local governments off his own back.
Update (20:30): The proceedings seem to be becoming increasingly absurd. Some lawyers are unhappy that the judge took so long in his questioning, and with others, in addition to the prosecutors, to lodge their questions, it is possible they could all be there into the early morning. How can anyone be expected to give reasonable evidence (or reasonable questions) after such a protracted session? They should call it a day and come back again. Ridiculous.
On and on they go. The judge has indicated that if there is to be an injunction served on the Duke it will not be today. There is also now a suggestion that, because of the evasiveness of the Duke, Princess Cristina may be called to declare. Thankfully, not today or nearly tomorrow. The prosecutors have just about finished their questions. It is now 23:30.
Saturday, February 25, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - The Duke of Palma's day in court
Rarely has any event in Mallorca attracted as much interest as today's appearance by the Duke of Palma (Iñaki Urdangarin) at the court in Palma to face questioning over the so-called "caso Nóos". Speculation has been rife as to how the Duke will arrive at court - on foot or by car; various protest groups will be out in force, such as the Maulets (independence radicals); police will also be out in force, extra officers having been drafted in from Valencia, along with the media.
The Duke faces charges of fraud and tax evasion, his marketing organisation the Instituto Nóos being at the centre of the charges which relate, among other things, to invoices for work that allegedly was not performed but for which government agencies paid substantial amounts of public money during the last presidency of Jaume Matas; the "caso Nóos" has, in effect, become a part of the ongoing "caso Palma Arena" investigations and trials of the former president for embezzlement and fraud.
The case has embroiled the royal family, as the Duke is married to the King's daughter, Princess Cristina. Her involvement with the case, though she has yet to be indicted and may not be, is largely to do with a real-estate firm she ran with the Duke and alleged diversion of money to this firm.
Update: So, the Duke entered on foot after all, though his car had some eggs thrown at it. 500 demonstrators protested against corruption and the monarchy. The Duke said he was seeking the truth and to defend his honour. He has admitted to the judge that the King ordered him to disassociate himself from the Instituto Nóos back in 2006.
Update: Prior to a break for lunch at 14:00, the Duke was asked mainly about the various companies that are cited in the case and with which he had associations.
The Duke has said that he did not take decisions where these companies were concerned but that the management was left to his former business partner Diego Torres and that involvement he had was confined to matters to do with sport.
Update: The Duke has said that he did meet with Jaume Matas and the former director of sport for the Balearics, "Pepote" Ballester at the Marivent palace where they discussed governmental financial support for a cycling team run by the bank Banesto and for which his company could act in marketing. It seemed a good idea to the Duke who claims that arrangements were left in the hands of Diego Torres.
Update: The Duke has declared that money from Nóos went to Belize for a foundation for sick children. The judge has indicated that he wants to finish the interrogation of the Duke today, which could mean the court session lasting to almost midnight.
Update: Showing how complex the affairs of the Duke were, questions have arisen regarding a settlement of 300,000 euros through one of the Duke's companies Global Corporate, itself linked to the Belize foundation. Global Corporate has two subsidiaries in the USA in addition to a Spanish base.
Update: Judge Castro has called a halt to proceedings at just after 20:00. Everyone will be back tomorrow at 09:30. Cue more demos no doubt.
The Duke faces charges of fraud and tax evasion, his marketing organisation the Instituto Nóos being at the centre of the charges which relate, among other things, to invoices for work that allegedly was not performed but for which government agencies paid substantial amounts of public money during the last presidency of Jaume Matas; the "caso Nóos" has, in effect, become a part of the ongoing "caso Palma Arena" investigations and trials of the former president for embezzlement and fraud.
The case has embroiled the royal family, as the Duke is married to the King's daughter, Princess Cristina. Her involvement with the case, though she has yet to be indicted and may not be, is largely to do with a real-estate firm she ran with the Duke and alleged diversion of money to this firm.
Update: So, the Duke entered on foot after all, though his car had some eggs thrown at it. 500 demonstrators protested against corruption and the monarchy. The Duke said he was seeking the truth and to defend his honour. He has admitted to the judge that the King ordered him to disassociate himself from the Instituto Nóos back in 2006.
Update: Prior to a break for lunch at 14:00, the Duke was asked mainly about the various companies that are cited in the case and with which he had associations.
The Duke has said that he did not take decisions where these companies were concerned but that the management was left to his former business partner Diego Torres and that involvement he had was confined to matters to do with sport.
Update: The Duke has said that he did meet with Jaume Matas and the former director of sport for the Balearics, "Pepote" Ballester at the Marivent palace where they discussed governmental financial support for a cycling team run by the bank Banesto and for which his company could act in marketing. It seemed a good idea to the Duke who claims that arrangements were left in the hands of Diego Torres.
Update: The Duke has declared that money from Nóos went to Belize for a foundation for sick children. The judge has indicated that he wants to finish the interrogation of the Duke today, which could mean the court session lasting to almost midnight.
Update: Showing how complex the affairs of the Duke were, questions have arisen regarding a settlement of 300,000 euros through one of the Duke's companies Global Corporate, itself linked to the Belize foundation. Global Corporate has two subsidiaries in the USA in addition to a Spanish base.
Update: Judge Castro has called a halt to proceedings at just after 20:00. Everyone will be back tomorrow at 09:30. Cue more demos no doubt.
Thursday, February 23, 2012
On Trial: The Spanish judiciary
Justice, administered and delivered by judges and magistrates in Spain, is administered and delivered in the name of the King. The King, in addressing a legal profession gathering in Barcelona, has reminded judges that it is they alone who impart justice. On Saturday, the King's son-in-law appears in a Palma court. The judge presiding over the "caso Nóos" is consulting with not just the prosecution but also the government and the Partido Popular as to whether they wish the King's daughter, Princess Cristina, to be indicted as part of this case.
Make of this little mix what you will, as there is an awful lot that can be made of it.
Under the Spanish Constitution, the judiciary is independent, and so of course it should be. But the extent to which it truly is independent or neutral is coming under increasing scrutiny. The Garzón affair has raised serious doubts, and the royal family having become embroiled in the wider investigation and trial of the former president of the Balearics, Jaume Matas, raises more doubts.
Let's be clear. If, and one stresses if, there is a case for the King's daughter to answer, then so be it. The royal household, from the outset of the investigation of the Duke of Palma, has made it clear that it respects the actions of the judiciary, but justice being administered and delivered in the name of King when it might involve the King's daughter, as opposed to a commoner (which the Duke is), highlights just how much of a dilemma has been created by the investigation.
For Judge Castro, the dilemma is enormous. By consulting with the government and a political party, he runs the risk of being seen to be subject to political influence. Should it not be his decision and his decision alone? Possibly. But by counselling the wishes of the political class, or a part of it, he is placing the dilemma in the hands of this political class.
In some respects, one could say he is playing a blinder, as he is handing responsibility elsewhere. But however the political class decides to play things, it will be criticised. Firstly, it will be criticised for getting involved at all. Secondly, if it says it does not wish the Princess to be indicted, it risks being accused of applying one rule for one and one rule for another (assuming, that is, there genuinely is a case to answer, and most noises have suggested not, as with the evidence of former Olympic sailing gold medallist, "Pepote" Ballester). Thirdly, if it says it does wish the Princess to be indicted, then it potentially opens up a massive can of worms.
The reason why this can of worms might be opened up is that a trap has been laid by the right-wing union Manos Limpias. In calling for the Princess to be indicted, if the government and the PP were to follow its demand, the union would, in effect, receive official backing. For the government to be perceived as acceding to the wishes of a union with the type of associations it has, i.e. Francoist, could be hugely damaging.
The government will be damned if it does and damned if it doesn't, and a further problem is that the Spanish people, generally speaking, are indifferent to many members of the royal family, with the definite exception of the King, who is held in such enormous regard, and rightly so.
The whole affair surrounding the Duke couldn't have come at a worse time for the Spanish judiciary. The world is having its say about a Spanish system that has tried, convicted and removed from office a leading judge at the behest of right-wing forces. Daniel Kaufmann, senior fellow at The Brookings Institution, has suggested that a travesty has been committed in respect of Judge Garzón, that judicial independence has been compromised, and, moreover, has presented evidence which indicates a decline in Spain's rule of law.
However much the Spanish judiciary is theoretically independent, there is a suspicion of politicisation and partiality. And it is caused not just by politics but also by professional rivalries within the judiciary (the Garzón affair is said to have been influenced by these). Garzón himself is not above charges of politicisation, and it is such charges, for the wider judiciary, which suggests that there needs to be some reform.
At the heart of all this, and a reason why it is all so important, is that the judiciary is a vital instrument of democracy. And in Spain, so is the monarchy. Both institutions, the legal system and the monarchy, are being placed or potentially being placed on trial.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
Make of this little mix what you will, as there is an awful lot that can be made of it.
Under the Spanish Constitution, the judiciary is independent, and so of course it should be. But the extent to which it truly is independent or neutral is coming under increasing scrutiny. The Garzón affair has raised serious doubts, and the royal family having become embroiled in the wider investigation and trial of the former president of the Balearics, Jaume Matas, raises more doubts.
Let's be clear. If, and one stresses if, there is a case for the King's daughter to answer, then so be it. The royal household, from the outset of the investigation of the Duke of Palma, has made it clear that it respects the actions of the judiciary, but justice being administered and delivered in the name of King when it might involve the King's daughter, as opposed to a commoner (which the Duke is), highlights just how much of a dilemma has been created by the investigation.
For Judge Castro, the dilemma is enormous. By consulting with the government and a political party, he runs the risk of being seen to be subject to political influence. Should it not be his decision and his decision alone? Possibly. But by counselling the wishes of the political class, or a part of it, he is placing the dilemma in the hands of this political class.
In some respects, one could say he is playing a blinder, as he is handing responsibility elsewhere. But however the political class decides to play things, it will be criticised. Firstly, it will be criticised for getting involved at all. Secondly, if it says it does not wish the Princess to be indicted, it risks being accused of applying one rule for one and one rule for another (assuming, that is, there genuinely is a case to answer, and most noises have suggested not, as with the evidence of former Olympic sailing gold medallist, "Pepote" Ballester). Thirdly, if it says it does wish the Princess to be indicted, then it potentially opens up a massive can of worms.
The reason why this can of worms might be opened up is that a trap has been laid by the right-wing union Manos Limpias. In calling for the Princess to be indicted, if the government and the PP were to follow its demand, the union would, in effect, receive official backing. For the government to be perceived as acceding to the wishes of a union with the type of associations it has, i.e. Francoist, could be hugely damaging.
The government will be damned if it does and damned if it doesn't, and a further problem is that the Spanish people, generally speaking, are indifferent to many members of the royal family, with the definite exception of the King, who is held in such enormous regard, and rightly so.
The whole affair surrounding the Duke couldn't have come at a worse time for the Spanish judiciary. The world is having its say about a Spanish system that has tried, convicted and removed from office a leading judge at the behest of right-wing forces. Daniel Kaufmann, senior fellow at The Brookings Institution, has suggested that a travesty has been committed in respect of Judge Garzón, that judicial independence has been compromised, and, moreover, has presented evidence which indicates a decline in Spain's rule of law.
However much the Spanish judiciary is theoretically independent, there is a suspicion of politicisation and partiality. And it is caused not just by politics but also by professional rivalries within the judiciary (the Garzón affair is said to have been influenced by these). Garzón himself is not above charges of politicisation, and it is such charges, for the wider judiciary, which suggests that there needs to be some reform.
At the heart of all this, and a reason why it is all so important, is that the judiciary is a vital instrument of democracy. And in Spain, so is the monarchy. Both institutions, the legal system and the monarchy, are being placed or potentially being placed on trial.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
Wednesday, February 22, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Judge consults on Princess Cristina subpoena
The judge heading the "caso Palma Arena" trial is to consult with the government over whether it supports the subpoena and indictment of Princess Cristina, daughter of King Juan Carlos, in relation to that part of the trial that deals with the affairs of her husband's company, the Instituto Nóos. The Duke of Palma is due to appear in court on Saturday, when press from many countries are expected to come to Palma. There is a public clamour for the Duke to arrive at the court on foot, as is usually the case, rather than be brought in by car to the back of the court.
Sunday, February 19, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Ballester drops Duke and Matas right in it
José Luis "Pepote" Ballester, a former Olympic sailing gold medallist and ex-director general of sport in the Balearics testified yesterday in that part of the "caso Palma Arena" considering allegations related to the Duke of Palma. Ballester confirmed in open court what he had already declared to the judge that the Duke and former president of the Balearics, Jaume Matas, "plotted" contracts for the Duke's marketing organisation, Instituto Nóos, and that 400,000 euros were paid for a report that was cobbled together from others. Ballester also rejected any involvement by the Duke's wife, Princess Cristina.
Wednesday, January 18, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Matas Trial: Day Six
More on how funds from the Matas government were allegedly spent by the journalist Antonio Alemany yesterday at the trial. A car is supposed to have been purchased with public funds and it would seem that the grant which went towards founding Alemany's Agencia Balear de Noticias was used to also fund his own website, Libertad Balear. Indeed, the agency and the website seem to have been more or less one of the same.
Meanwhile, there is some pretty astonishing stuff coming out regarding allegations of how public money to the Duke of Palma's Instituto Nóos went on funding the lifestyle of the Duke and Princess Cristina. It is all getting worse for the couple and is increasingly damaging to the reputation of the Royal Family.
Meanwhile, there is some pretty astonishing stuff coming out regarding allegations of how public money to the Duke of Palma's Instituto Nóos went on funding the lifestyle of the Duke and Princess Cristina. It is all getting worse for the couple and is increasingly damaging to the reputation of the Royal Family.
Tuesday, January 17, 2012
Cleaning Hands: Garzón and the Duke
There are times when news reports make you sit up and pay particular attention. They do so because something crops up that you hadn't expected or makes you wonder what it has to do with otherwise repetitious news.
So it was with a news item related to the Duke of Palma affair. This is all terribly repetitious as it is a constant diet of evidence being made public that appears to drop the Duke ever deeper into it. But this particular news item referred to an organisation that I hadn't been aware of playing a part in the affair.
It was the headline that caught my eye. It referred to a "denuncia" against Iñaki Urdangarin (the Duke) by Manos Limpias. It was Manos Limpias that I had not expected. What did it have to do with the case against the Duke?
You might well ask what Manos Limpias is. Its full name is Colectivo de Funcionarios Públicos Manos Limpias, a union of public-sector workers that has only a few thousand members. Why should a union be involving itself with Urdangarin?
The denuncia was raised in Valencia and has to do with accusations of fraud against the Duke and his institute and accusations against representatives of the Valencia Generalitat. The court in Palma which is overseeing the case against the Duke has yet to be decide if the Manos Limpias denuncia will be incorporated into its own proceedings.
In the sense that the public authority in Valencia has been implicated, one can see why a public-sector union might become involved. But Manos Limpias is more than a union. Its name means "clean hands", and it works against corruption of different types, hence its name, and devotes a great deal of energy in pursuing cases of corruption and also in issuing denuncias.
On the face of it, this seems all perfectly laudable, but Manos Limpias operates with a very specific agenda, one that is well to the right of the political spectrum. Its founder was a leading light in the National Front, a party that was wound up in the first half of the 1990s and whose politics were as you might expect given its name. The founder, Miguel Bernard Remón, has been honoured by the Francisco Franco National Foundation; yes, that Franco.
Of other of its denuncias, perhaps the most celebrated is that against the judge Baltasar Garzón. The case against Garzón for exceeding his powers and going against the post-Franco amnesty in seeking to order exhumation of graves and to pursue crimes against humanity related to the Civil War and afterwards has largely been the doing of Manos Limpias and the current-day Falange.
Manos Limpias has not, though, issued just one denuncia against Garzón. There have been nineteen since the 1990s. The union says it doesn't have anything against Garzón, but the frequency with which it has denounced him does rather suggest otherwise.
The case against Garzón related to the Franco-era investigation, which is to come to court this month, is political, pure and simple. State prosecutors had rejected charges against Garzón, so the court case, as also with one to do with the so-called caso Gürtel, under which Garzón was pursuing Partido Popular politicians for corruption, is in effect a private prosecution.
The Garzón affair is frankly an embarrassment to Spain. He may have got carried away with his own celebrity and power, but the hounding of Garzón throws up unpleasant questions about the forces of the right and far right within the country and about the lingering legacy of Franco which Garzón sought the opportunity to investigate and which others denied him.
But what of the Duke of Palma? There is no direct link with Garzón, but there is now a common theme of Manos Limpias. The allegations against the Duke are another embarrassment - to the Royal Family - and his wife, Princess Cristina, is being dragged into the affair more and more, Manos Limpias having also called for a tax-office inspection into her links with the Duke's businesses.
There is a real fear that the Royal Family will be discredited as a consequence of what the Duke may or may not have done. And at the head of the Royal Family is King Juan Carlos, the man who rejected Francoism and the man who put a stop to the attempted coup in 1981.
In Spain there is a law of historic memory that is designed to remove the symbols of the Franco period. In Spain, however, there is also a long memory of Franco. Garzón didn't want to let it go, and nor do others want to let it go.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
So it was with a news item related to the Duke of Palma affair. This is all terribly repetitious as it is a constant diet of evidence being made public that appears to drop the Duke ever deeper into it. But this particular news item referred to an organisation that I hadn't been aware of playing a part in the affair.
It was the headline that caught my eye. It referred to a "denuncia" against Iñaki Urdangarin (the Duke) by Manos Limpias. It was Manos Limpias that I had not expected. What did it have to do with the case against the Duke?
You might well ask what Manos Limpias is. Its full name is Colectivo de Funcionarios Públicos Manos Limpias, a union of public-sector workers that has only a few thousand members. Why should a union be involving itself with Urdangarin?
The denuncia was raised in Valencia and has to do with accusations of fraud against the Duke and his institute and accusations against representatives of the Valencia Generalitat. The court in Palma which is overseeing the case against the Duke has yet to be decide if the Manos Limpias denuncia will be incorporated into its own proceedings.
In the sense that the public authority in Valencia has been implicated, one can see why a public-sector union might become involved. But Manos Limpias is more than a union. Its name means "clean hands", and it works against corruption of different types, hence its name, and devotes a great deal of energy in pursuing cases of corruption and also in issuing denuncias.
On the face of it, this seems all perfectly laudable, but Manos Limpias operates with a very specific agenda, one that is well to the right of the political spectrum. Its founder was a leading light in the National Front, a party that was wound up in the first half of the 1990s and whose politics were as you might expect given its name. The founder, Miguel Bernard Remón, has been honoured by the Francisco Franco National Foundation; yes, that Franco.
Of other of its denuncias, perhaps the most celebrated is that against the judge Baltasar Garzón. The case against Garzón for exceeding his powers and going against the post-Franco amnesty in seeking to order exhumation of graves and to pursue crimes against humanity related to the Civil War and afterwards has largely been the doing of Manos Limpias and the current-day Falange.
Manos Limpias has not, though, issued just one denuncia against Garzón. There have been nineteen since the 1990s. The union says it doesn't have anything against Garzón, but the frequency with which it has denounced him does rather suggest otherwise.
The case against Garzón related to the Franco-era investigation, which is to come to court this month, is political, pure and simple. State prosecutors had rejected charges against Garzón, so the court case, as also with one to do with the so-called caso Gürtel, under which Garzón was pursuing Partido Popular politicians for corruption, is in effect a private prosecution.
The Garzón affair is frankly an embarrassment to Spain. He may have got carried away with his own celebrity and power, but the hounding of Garzón throws up unpleasant questions about the forces of the right and far right within the country and about the lingering legacy of Franco which Garzón sought the opportunity to investigate and which others denied him.
But what of the Duke of Palma? There is no direct link with Garzón, but there is now a common theme of Manos Limpias. The allegations against the Duke are another embarrassment - to the Royal Family - and his wife, Princess Cristina, is being dragged into the affair more and more, Manos Limpias having also called for a tax-office inspection into her links with the Duke's businesses.
There is a real fear that the Royal Family will be discredited as a consequence of what the Duke may or may not have done. And at the head of the Royal Family is King Juan Carlos, the man who rejected Francoism and the man who put a stop to the attempted coup in 1981.
In Spain there is a law of historic memory that is designed to remove the symbols of the Franco period. In Spain, however, there is also a long memory of Franco. Garzón didn't want to let it go, and nor do others want to let it go.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
Saturday, January 14, 2012
MALLORCA TODAY - Matas Trial: Day Four
Evidence from the head of communication in the Antich PSOE government that succeeded that of Jaume Matas suggested yesterday that payments which had been made to the journalist Antonio Alemany for articles were ten times greater than would have been expected. In addition, she and the head of communication in the Matas administration indicated that work appeared not to have been done in return for payments.
In another aspect of the caso Palma Arena that now incorporates the activities of the Instituto Nóos, of which the Duke of Palma was once a director, evidence has been submitted that increasingly looks as though the Duke's wife, Princess Cristina, is becoming implicated. Payments were regularly made to the Duke and the Princess between 2006 and 2008 with invoices raised by the property company that they jointly owned.
In another aspect of the caso Palma Arena that now incorporates the activities of the Instituto Nóos, of which the Duke of Palma was once a director, evidence has been submitted that increasingly looks as though the Duke's wife, Princess Cristina, is becoming implicated. Payments were regularly made to the Duke and the Princess between 2006 and 2008 with invoices raised by the property company that they jointly owned.
Thursday, November 10, 2011
Tightening The Nóos
All this talk of all-inclusives and a lack of winter tourism and flights ruining the paradise island, blah, blah, and one quite loses sight of what really put the "mal" into Mallorca with two l's. Corruption, and lots of it.
We have been sidetracked these past few months into neglecting the fact that cases surrounding the one-time Balearics president, Jaume Matas, are still going on. Lord alone knows how much this is all costing, but presumably there are special provisions, given deficit requirements, to allow for the payment of an army of investigators.
The current president, José Bauzá, is probably, on balance, quite content for the cases to still be being played out and periodically splashed all over the Spanish press. It might be a tad embarrassing that Matas was his predecessor as a PP president, but Bauzá made a virtue of excluding any candidate implicated in corruption from the spring elections. In the process, he might have hoped to undo all the scandal that has made Mallorca an object of such enormous amusement, but he can't do much about the elephant in the room - Matas, the gift that keeps on giving.
When you had pretty much forgotten that investigations were still ongoing, out of the blue come revelations of the type that had helped grant Mallorca its deserved status as one of the great centres of comic corruption.
The latest ones involve a minor royal, the Duke of Palma. The royal household has felt compelled to issue a statement that it has no comment to make on allegations being made about him other than to say that it respects the work of the judges. Minor royal he may be, but there is the slight matter of who he is married to - the infanta Cristina.
To cut to the chase, the Duke was at one point the president of something called the Instituto Nóos, an institute for sponsorship and patronage. What the investigators would like to know is why the Matas government, mainly through a body known as Illesport, paid the institute 2.3 million euros between 2005 and 2007. There are questions relating to four invoices totalling 1.2 million euros in respect of the staging of a 2005 forum and to invoices for nearly 450,000 euros that were raised a month before the 2007 elections, which Matas lost.
There was a common theme to these invoices, as the forum and the later 450,000 had to do with a so-called observatory of tourism and sport. At the forum this concept was discussed, whatever it actually meant, but nothing more was heard of it. However, the invoices of April 2007 mention it specifically.
No one seems to quite know what this observatory did, if anything. With the money the invoices generated, the institute made payments of its own, among which were those to companies belonging to one Diego Torres, an "expert in marketing", who succeeded the Duke as institute president in 2006, and also to a real-estate company run by the Duke.
Of course, there may be a very good explanation for all of this, while the revelations are all the more thrilling for the press as they involve royalty. But what they do, once more, is to highlight the tangled web of government agencies and foundations, especially within the area of tourism, and of other organisations, such as the Duke's institute, which were associated with them. Of these agencies, mostly all are now defunct, having been scrapped by the last government when the full weight of corruption charges hit the tourism ministry.
Why were there so many, though? And why was there ever any need for an "observatory" of tourism and sport? It may be unclear what its purpose actually was, but it sounds not dissimilar to the government's own so-called tourism strategy and research agency, Inestur, one of the agencies that now no longer exists. The Illesport agency was in fact a foundation for the support and promotion of sport in the Balearics. It might be argued that it was appropriate for it to engage the services of a specialist operation, i.e. the Instituto Nóos, but then what did it actually do, other than give money out?
The point is that, even if corruption comes to be proven, the real problem was all the various bodies that were set up with seemingly little or no control or idea as to why they were being set up. Tourism, and its associated sport sector, may have had its governmental budget cut, but it is still, as it was under Matas, a goose that lays the golden egg, or should that be the noose that lassooed a golden egg? Only to end up hanging itself. Allegedly.
Any comments to andrew@thealcudiaguide.com please.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
